英语晨读材料文档

英语晨读 材料 关于××同志的政审材料调查表环保先进个人材料国家普通话测试材料农民专业合作社注销四查四问剖析材料 文档 1 In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms. The first is freedom of speech and expression everywhere in the world. The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way everywhere in the world. The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants everywhere in the world. The fourth is freedom from fear--which, translated into world terms, means a worldwide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor--anywhere in the world. That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and our generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb. To that new order we oppose the greater conception--the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear. Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in danger--in a perpetual peaceful revolution--a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions--without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society. This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our strength is in our unity of purpose. To that high concept there can be no end save victory. 富兰克林(德拉诺(罗斯福 2 The Torch Has Been Passed to A New Generation of Americans Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, Fellow Citizens, We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago. The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary belief for which our forebears fought is still at issue around the globe, the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God. We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of these human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty. Now the trumpet summons us again - not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are; but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation." a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself. And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man. Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own. 3 First Broadcast as Prime Minister to the British People I speak to you for the first time as Prime Minister in a solemn hour for the life of our country, of our empire, of our allies, and above all, of the cause of Freedom. A tremendous battle is raging in France and Flanders. The Germans, by a remarkable combination of air bombing and heavily armored tanks, have broken through the French defenses north of the Maginot Line, and strong columns of their armored vehicles are ravaging the open country, which for the first day or two was without defenders. We must expect that as soon as stability is reached on the Western Front, the bulk of that hideous apparatus of aggression which dashed Holland into ruin and slavery in a few days will be turned upon us. I am sure I speak for all when I say we are ready to face it, to endure it, and to retaliate against it-to any extent that the unwritten laws of war permit. There will be many men and many women in this Island who when the ordeal comes upon them, as come it will, will feel comfort, and even a pride, that they are sharing the perils of our lads at the front-soldiers, sail- ors and airmen, God bless them-and are drawing away for them a part at least of the onslaught they have to bear. Is not this the appointed time for all to make the utmost exertions in their power? If the battle is to be won, we must provide our men with ever-increasing quantities of the weapons and ammunition they need. We must have, and have quickly, more airplanes, more tanks, more shells, more guns. There is imperious need for these vital munitions. They increase our strength against the powerfully armed enemy They replace the wastage of the obstinate struggle; and the knowledge that wastage will speedily be replaced enables us to draw more readily upon our reserves and throw them in now that everything counts so much. Our task is not only to win the battle-but to win the war. After this battle in France abates its force, there will come the battle for our Island-for ail that Britain is, and ail that Britain means. That will be the struggle. In that supreme emergency we shall not hesitate to take every step, even the most drastic, to call forth from our people the last ounce and the last inch of effort of which they are capable. The interests of property, the hours of labor, are nothing compared to the struggle for life and honor, for right and freedom, to which we have vowed ourselves. 4 Address to the Millennium Summit by koft Annan Madam Presideng (of Finland), Mr.president(of Namibia), Excllencies, Ladies and Gentleman: I am deeply honored to welcome you all. Never before have the leaders of so many nations come together in a single Assembly. This is a Unique opportunity. And therefore a unique responsibility. You, ladies and gentlemen, are the leaders to whom the world’s peoples have entrusted their destiny. They look to you to protect them from the great dangers of our time; and to ensure that all of them can share in its great achievements. In an age when human being have learnt the code of human life, and can transmit their knowledge in seconds from one continent to another, no mother in the world can understand why her child should be left to die, of malnutrition or preventable disease. No one can understand why they should be driven from their home, or imprisoned or tortured for expressing their beliefs. No one can understand why the soil their parents tilled has turned to desert, or why their skills have become useless and their family is left hungry. Your peoples look to you for a common effort to solve their problems. They expect you to work together, as governments. And they expect you to work together with all the other institutions-profit and non-profit, public and private-where human beings join hands to promote their ideas and their interests. People want to see this happen between neighboring countries, and among all the counties of each region. But since today’s biggest challenges are global, they expect above all that we will work together at the global level, as the United Nations. My friends, that is why we are here. We are here to strengthen and adapt this great institution, forged 55 years ago in the crucible of war, so that it can do what people expect of it in the new era---an era in which rule of law must prevail. Last month I sent you a Report, produced by a Panel of experts, which makes detailed suggestions for strengthening the United Nations in the crucial area of peace and security-the area where people look to the United nations, to save them ―from the scourge of war‖. Please consider that Report very seriously. It is not only in that field ,however, that the United Nations needs strengthening. We must strengthen it across the whole range of our activities. We need to decide our priorities. And we must adapt our United Nations, so that in future those priorities are reflected in clear and prompt decisions, leading to real change in people’s lives. That ,my friends, is what the peoples expect of us. Let us not disappoint them. Thank you. 5 Man will Prevail ----William Faulkner(1897-1962) I feel that this award was not made to me as a man, but to my work--a life's work in the agony and sweat of the human spirit, not for glory and least of all for profit, but to create out of the materials of the human spirit something which did not exist before. So this award is only mine in trust. It will not be difficult to find a dedication for the money part of it commensurate with the purpose and significance of its origin. But I would like to do the same with the acclaim too, by using this moment as a pinnacle from which I might be listened to by the young men and women already dedicated to the same anguish and travail, among whom is already that one who will some day stand where I am standing. Our tragedy today is a general and universal physical fear so long sustained by now that we can even bear it. There are no longer problems of the spirit. There is only one question: When will I be blown up? Because of this, the young man or woman writing today has forgotten the problems of the human heart in conflict with itself which alone can make good writing because only that is worth writing about, worth the agony and the sweat. He must learn them again. He must teach himself that the basest of all things is to be afraid: and, teaching himself that, forget it forever, leaving no room in his workshop for anything but the old verities and truths of the heart, the universal truths lacking which any story is ephemeral and doomed--love and honor and pity and pride and compassion and sacrifice. Until he does so, he labors under a curse. He writes not of love but of lust, of defeats in which nobody loses anything of value, and victories without hope and worst of all, without pity or compassion. His griefs grieve on no universal bones, leaving no scars. He writes not of the heart but of the glands. I believe that man will not merely endure: he will prevail. He is immortal, not because he alone among creatures has an inexhaustible voice, but because he has a soul, a spirit capable of compassion and sacrifice and endurance. The poet's, the writer's, duty is to write about these things. It is his privilege to help man endure by lifting his heart, by reminding him of the courage and honor and hope and pride and compassion and pity and sacrifice which have been the glory of his past. The poet's voice need not merely be the record of man, it can be one of the props, the pillars to help him endure and prevail. 6 This Is a Historic Occasion这是一个具有历史意义的时刻 Your excellency Chairman Deng Xiaoping， your excellency President Li Xiannian， your excellency ladies and gentlemen: 尊敬的中国国家领导人邓小平、李先念、各位贵宾: This is a historic occasion. And I'm particularly pleased to see that Chairman Deng Xiaoping is able to be present( The Joint Declaration on the Future of Hong Kong which you have just signed on behalf of our two governments， is a landmark in the light of the territory， in the course ofAnglo.Chinese relations， and in the history of international diplomacy The Agreement establishes a firm basis for confidence in Hong Kong after l997 and beyond， and for it's continued stability, prosperity and growth. 这是一个具有历史意义的时刻。邓小平主席能够光临，我感到特别高兴。刚才我们分别 代表各自政府签署的关于香港前途的联合声明，在香港的生活中、在英中关系的历程中以及 在国际外交史上都是一个里程碑。这个 协议 离婚协议模板下载合伙人协议 下载渠道分销协议免费下载敬业协议下载授课协议下载 为从现在起到1997年和1997年以后这段时 期保持对香港的信心以及为继续保持香港的稳定、繁荣和发展奠定了坚实的基础。 I remember with pleasure my last visit to China in September 1982 and my discussions with Chinese leaders( At my meeting with Chairman Deng Xiaoping on that occasion， we agreed to open talks on the future of Hong Kong. Our common aim was to maintain the territory's stability and prosperity， the generous spirit of pride and of optimism about the future that I now return to sign the Agreement， which is the result of these talks. 我愉快地回忆起我于1982年9月对中国的访问以及我同中国领导人的会谈。那次我 会见邓小平主席时，我们同意就香港前途开始会谈。我们共同的目的是维护香港的稳定和繁 荣，正是本着自豪和对前途充满乐观的精神，我再次来到北京签署作为会谈成果的这项协议。 The Agreement fully meets the political requirements of Britain and China as well as the interests of the Hong Kong people. It provides the framework in which as a Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China， Hong Kong will maintain it's economic system and way of life for 50 years after the first of July， 1997. 这项协议完全符合英中两国的政治要求和香港人民的利益。它提供了一个框架，根据这 个框架，香港作为中华人民共和国的一个特别行政区，在1997年7用1日以后的五十年 中，将保持其经济 制度 关于办公室下班关闭电源制度矿山事故隐患举报和奖励制度制度下载人事管理制度doc盘点制度下载 和生活方式。 Igree of autonomy Hong Kong people wt gives Hong Kong a high deill administer Hong Kong and a SpeciaI Administrative Region will pass it's own legislation. It allows Hong Kong to continue to decide its own economic, financial and trade policies， and to participate as appropriate in international organizations and agreements( It preserves Hong Kong's familiar legal system and the rights and freedoms enjoyed there. In short， it provides the assurances for the future which Hong Kong needs in order to continue to play its unique role in the world as a trading and financial center. 协议给予香港高度的自治权:香港人民将管理香港、特别行政区将制定自己的法律。协 议允许香港继续制定自己的经济、财政和贸易政策，并适当地参加国际组织和协定。它保持 了香港所熟悉的法律制度及其享有的权利和自由。总之，协议为香港的未来提供了所需要的 保证，使香港能继续作为贸易和金融中心在世界上发挥 独特的作用。 These qualities in the Agreement， have been recognized by the British Parliament and by the standing Committee of the NationaI People's congress of China， which have approved the intention of our governments to Proceed to signature. The agreement has been subject to a thorough public debate among those whose future it will determine--the people of Hong Kong( Although they have expressed some reservations, and sought clarification on particular points， they have clearly judged it to be acceptable to them as a whole. The Agreement has been widely praised by other governments， in international rganizations and in financial and economic circles. 英国议会和中国全国人民代表大会常务委员会都认可了协议中的这些特点，并批准了各 自政府进行签署的意向。香港人民对决定他们前途的协议进行了充分的公开辩论。虽然他们 表示有些保留，并要求澄清某些具体问题，但很明显，他们认为，协议总的来说是可以接受 的。这一协议也受到了其他国家的政府、国际组织以及金融和经济界的广泛赞扬。 The Secretary General of the United Nations has described it as an examp1e for other countries in the way in which difflcult international problems can be successfully resolved( International good will and support will be vital for Hong Kong in the future and I have no doubt that it will be forthcoming. 联合国秘书长说，这个协议为其他国家树立了一个成功地解决困难的国际问题的榜样。 国际善意和支持今后对香港至关重要。我毫不怀疑，香港会得到这种善意和支持。 The negotiation itself has brought our countries closer together，It has increased our mutual understanding， respect and trust( I am convinced that as we work together in the future， we shall be laying the foundation for an even closer and deeper relationship that is good for Britain， good for China and good for the world( Above all， it is good for the people of HongKong. We are privileged today to take part with our Chinese friends inthe unique occasion. The circumstances are unique， the Agreement is unique. 谈判本身使我们两国的关系更加密切了，它增进了我们之间的相互了解、尊重和信任。 我相信，在今后的合作中，我们将为进一步加强和巩固两国之问的关系奠定基础。这对英国 有利，对中国有利，对世界也有利。最重要的是，这对香港人民有利。今天，我们荣幸地同 中国朋友一起参加一个独特的仪式。情况是独特的，协议也是独特的。 It is right that we should feel a sense of history and of confidence in the future. I thank you for the privilege of being present of this signature ceremony. 我们的确应该有一种历史感，一种对未来的信心。最后感谢诸位光临签字仪式。 7 Michael J0rdan’s Retirement Speech迈克尔.乔丹退役演说 I am here to announce my retirement from the game of basketball. It won't be another announcement to baseball or anything to that nature. Mentally, I'm exhausted, I don't feel I have a challenge. Physically, I feel great. The last time in 1993 I had other agendas. I thought that I wanted to play baseball and I thought that at my age, it was a good opportunity and time to do it. And with the death of my father, and I was basically trying to deal with that. Actually I talked to Jerry last year once the season ended and I told Jerry at that time, mentally, I was a little exhausted. I didn't know if I would play next year. I wanted to put him on awareness so that he could possibly prepare going into next season. And Jerry, once we had our conversation, wanted me to take time as I did in 93 to make sure that it was the right decision because it was going to be the final decision. I retired the first time when Phil Jackson was the coach. And I think that even with Phil being the coach I would have had a tough time, mentally finding the challenge for myself. Although he can somehow present challenges for me. I don't know if he could have presented the challenge for me to continue on to this season." Even though middle way of this season I wanted to continue to play a couple more years, but at the end of this season I was mentally drained and tired. So I can't say that he would have restored that. I will support the Chicago Bulls. I think the game itself is a lot bigger than Michael Jordan. I've been given an opportunity by people before me, to name a few, Kareem Abdul Jabbar, Doctor J, Eljohn Baylor, Jerry West. These guys played the game way before Michael Jordan was born and Michael Jordan came on the heels of all that activity. Mr Stern and what he's done for the league, gave me an opportunity to play the game of basketball. I played it to the best I could play it, I tried to enhance the game itself. I've tried to be the best basketball player that I could be. 我在这里宣布从篮球场上退役，而且这次退役后不会再去从事棒球或其他类似的运动。 由于精神上很疲惫，我感到自己非常缺乏挑战力;体力倒还不错。1993年那次退役时 我有其他 计划 项目进度计划表范例计划下载计划下载计划下载课程教学计划下载 :想打棒球，我这个年纪正是从事棒球事业的极佳时机。而且父亲刚好去世了， 我只想尽力去面对这一切。 事实上，去年赛季刚结束时，我和杰里谈过一次。我告诉他我精神上有些疲惫，不知到 下一年还能不能打。我想让他意识到这一点，以便为下一赛季做准备。杰里--有一次我们谈 过这个问题--让我要象93年那样，好好考虑，以便作出明智的决定，因为这将是最后决定。 第一次退役时费尔?杰克逊是教练。但我觉得既使本赛季他还担任教练，我也会很困难， 内心里，我已感受到了挑战。当然无论如何，他都会给我一些应对方法的。我不知到他是否 还有办法使我打完这一赛季。在本赛季中间我还想着再打几年呢，但当赛季结束时，我却感 觉精神枯竭，疲惫。因此我确实不能说他会使我恢复精力。 我将支持芝加哥公牛队，我认为比赛本身比迈克尔?乔丹重要得多。我的很多机会都是 篮球前辈们给的。我这里指出一些: 贾巴尔，J博士，韦思特。这些人早在乔丹出生前就 活跃在赛场了。迈克尔?乔丹只不过是继承了他们的传统。斯特恩先生及其为联盟做出的贡 献给了我打篮球的机会。我已尽我最大能力打球，我想努力推动比赛本身的发展。我一直在 努力，尽我所能成为最好的球员。 8 Bill Gates’Keynote Speech at Microsoft Professional Developers Conference 比尔.盖茨在北京微软专业开发人员大会上的演讲 Good morning. It's a great pleasure to be here. Today is a major milestone for Microsoft as our first Developers Conference here in China. The key partnerships we build with software developers around the world are central not only to the success of Windows but also to realize the great possibilities that PC technology provides. It's through Omega Replica Watches applications of every variety that businesses will be using the personal computer as the tool of the Information Age. The storage systems are now delivering Gigabyte of storage as the standard capability. Over 80 million PCs are the being sold a year. And the server markets, the higher performance machines that these PCs network with, are the fastest growing part of the business. There performance of those servers is increasing not only because the individual processors are faster, but also because we are using multiple—processor machines, so called SMP designs and clustering nodes together. Microsoft has a vision for where the PC is going. And that vision says that PCs will become a central element of how the companies share information inside the company. The name of that vision is the so called Digital Nervous System means that not only do you have the PCs and they are connected together like electronic mail but also Omega Seamaster Replica you really through carefully about what information is important, and so all of the processes—order taking, sales planning, personnel management, project management---all of these have been set up to take full advantage of the capabilities of the computer. 9 I Have a Dream我有一个梦想 I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California! But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia! Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee! Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!" 10 Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush, President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings. As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation. And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace. I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow. We have a place, all of us, in a long story -- a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer. It is the American story -- a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals. The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone be longs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born. Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And t hough our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow n o other course. Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations. Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn h ope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel. While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country. We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity. I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image. And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward. America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. E very citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American. Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character. America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness. Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small. But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will su ffer most. We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentime nt. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment. America, at its best, is also courageous. Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations. Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives. We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans. We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge. We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors. The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power tha t favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth. America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise. And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of lo ve. And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls. Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless. Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government. And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws. Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do. And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side. America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected. Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to concience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free. Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom. Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone. I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well. In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times. What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character. Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is pre sent, no wrong can stand against it. After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: "We know the race is not to the swift nor the batt le to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?" Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity. We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another. Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life. This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirl wind and directs this storm. God bless you all, and God bless America. 11Remarks by former president of the United States- Nxion at the university of International Business and Economics美国前总统尼克松在对外经济贸易大学的讲话 I made my first trip to China in 1972, Premier Zhou Enlai and I shook hands as i came off the airplane. And that handshake began a new era in relations between China and the United States. And later he said to me, "Your handshake came over the vastest distance in the world- twnety-five years of no communication." That vast distance is one we have now crossed. We have communication, cooperation, trade, investment, tourism, cultural and scientific exchanges. For example, in 1972, there were no Americans as tourists in the PRC; last year there were over 100000. In 1972, there were no students from the PRC studying in the United States; last year there were over 12000. In 1972, there was no trade between the two countries; last year trade went over 6 billion dollars. That's an indication of what has happened in just 13 short years. In rencent years, China has been working hard and creatively at evolving a system that works for China at this period of its history and this stage of its development. The progress for example that China has made in just the 13 short years since I was first here has greatly exceeded the expectations, and they were farily high, that I had at that time. As we look to the future, to the next century, China's system will continue to evolve and change. All systems do. Our own American economic system is very different from what it was a century ago, and even different from what it was when I reached what Amercian call the age of maturity a half a century ago. As I look ahead to the 21st century - to your century - I see one world. But the world I see is not a world without differences between nations or peoples. Rather, it is one in which we all recognize that we have profound differences and we must learn to live with our differences rather than dying over them. I do see a world without nuclear weapons. But I do see one where the awesome power of these weapons has made world war obsolete as an instrument of policy. For that reason, I do not believe there will be a third world war. I see a world where the honor of being called great is bestowed not on the world's warriors but on the world's peacemakers. And I see one world, but not a world drab in its uniformity but one world enriched by its diversity. I see an open world, a world of open cities, open skies, open minds and open hears; a world where our enemise are not other peoples but the common enemise of all mankind: poverty, hunger, misery, disease, and injustice whichever they may exist in the world. And I see a world in which there will continue to be conflict but where competition between nations will build rather than destroy - where it will be a force for peace and progress rather than a force for war. Some will question my optimism. But of this one thing I am quite sure: without cooperation between the Chinese People and American people, there is no hope that the 21st century in which you will live will be a century of peace and progress for all peoples. This is what I hope for China. This is what I hope for the world. This is what I hope for you, the new generation of China, whose task it is to help to build and to meet those goals. 12Commencement Address of Harvard University 玛丽罗宾逊在哈佛大学毕业典讲话 President Rudenstine, fellow graduates, friends of Harvard, it's a great honor and pleasure to invited today to share this happy occasion, not only with the members of the graduating class of 1998, but also with the families and friends who have no doubt supported you along the way with their kind words of advice and encouragement. I do remember sitting for so many of you sat this morning when I was part of the class of 1968. I still remember how uncertain and insecure I felt but how proud my father was on the day. Your families and your professors are rightfully proud of your achievement and are delighted to see you graduate with futures so bright with promise. I too am proud. I am proud to see so many capable young men and women about to embark on a future career where they can put their years of learning and preparation to good use. Having passed through the rigors of a formal education, you are now ready to assume new responsibilities and tasks, become answerable only to yourselves with regards to your performance, your humanity and your soundness of judgement, in a world full of possibilities. But I would ask you to remember that it is not a world full of possibilities for all. Each of you has been the beneficiary of a rare privilege. You have received an exceptional education at an exceptional place when there are many, in both your country and mine, and in many , many other parts of our world, who are just as innately talented and just as ambitious as your are but will never have such an opportunity. I say this not to make you feel guilty. You should be proud of what you have achieved. But I do ask that you use your education to pursue only the worthiest of goals; goals that can contribute to the betterment of the lives of others; and goals that give you personal satisfaction because of their contribution to the society we live in. You who graduate today and you who are recent and not so recent graduates who return to meet your Harvard friends again, can I believe do much to contribute to the betterment of society. You can become interested and involved in the world around you. By virtue of your education, you can offer society the benefits of your focused knowledge, as well as a wider wisdom and a great sense of purpose. You also have the skills to teach others to be more tolerant, more understanding and more caring, and I am confident that your recognition of this special responsibility will guide your actions. It's only to say that I wish you much happiness and success in the years ahead. May your memories of Harvard as mine are and the friends you have made here, be with your always. Congratulations to the new graduates and I am very honored to be linked with the honorary graduates of the year 1998, and be rejuvenated by joining the class of 1998. Thank you very much! 13 New York Senate Race Speech希拉里竞选纽约参议员的演讲 You know, you know, we started this great effort on a sunny July morning in Pinders Corner on Pat and Liz Moynihan's beautiful farm and 62 2)counties, 16 months, 3 debates, 2 opponents, and 6 black 3)pantsuits later, because of you, here we are. You came out and said that issues and ideals matter. Jobs matter, downstate and upstate. Health care matters, education matters, the environment matters, Social Security matters, a woman's right to choose matters. It all matters and I just want to say from the bottom of my heart, thank you, New York! Thank you for opening up your minds and your hearts, for seeing the possibility of what we could do together for our children and for our future here in this state and in our nation. I am profoundly grateful to all of you for giving me the chance to serve you. I will - I will do everything I can to be worthy of your faith and trust and to honor the powerful example of Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan. I would like all of you and the countless New Yorkers and Americans watching to join me in honoring him for his 4)incredible half century of service to New York and our nation. Senator Moynihan, on behalf of New York and America, thank you. I promise you tonight that I will reach across party lines to bring progress for all of New York's families. Today we voted as Democrats and Republicans. Tomorrow we begin again as New Yorkers. And how fortunate we are indeed to live in the most 5)diverse, 6)dynamic and beautiful state in the entire union.You know, from the 7)South Bronx to the Southern Tier, from Brooklyn to Buffalo, from Montauk to Massena, from the 8)world's tallest skyscrapers to breathtaking mountain ranges, I've met people whose faces and stories I will never forget. Thousands of New Yorkers from all 62 counties welcomed me into your schools, your local 9)diners, your factory floors, your living rooms and front 10)porches. You taught me, you tested me and you shared with me your challenges and concerns - about overcrowded or crumbling schools, about thestruggle to care for growing children and aging parents, about the continuing challenge of providing equal opportunity for all and about children moving away from their home towns because good jobs are so hard to find in upstate New York. Now I've worked on issues like these for a long time, some of them for 30 years, and I am determined to make a difference for all of you. You see, I believe our nation 11)owes every responsible citizen and every responsible family the tools that they need to make the most of their own lives. That's the basic bargain. I'll do my best to honor in the United States Senate. And to those of you who did not support me, I want you to know that I will work in the Senate for you and for all New Yorkers. And to those of you who worked so hard and never lost faith even in the toughest times, I offer you my 12)undying gratitude. 竞选纽约参议员的演讲 希拉里.克林顿 大家知道，我们是在七月的一个阳光灿烂的早上，从帕特和丽兹?莫伊尼汉的美丽农场 的频德角开始迈出了这艰难的一步，然后辗转六十二个县，历经过十六个月、三场辩论，打 败了两个竞争对手，穿破六套黑色便服。终于在你们的支持下，我们站在了这里。 你们说，这些事情和观念非常重要--全州的就业问题是重要的，保健是重要的，教育是 重要的，环境是重要的，社会保险是重要的，还有妇女选择权是重要的。这些全都重要，而 我只想衷心道一声:谢谢你，纽约～ 感谢你们敞开心扉，感谢你们看到了这可能性--我们将一起为后代、为我们纽约以至全 国的将来而共同努力。我对你们每个人都深怀谢意，感谢你们给了我一个为大家服务的机会。 我将以参议员丹尼尔?帕特里克?莫伊尼汉为榜样，尽自己最大的努力不负众望。我希望 你们每个人、诸位纽约市民和美国观众，和我一起共同感谢他这50年来为纽约和美国做出 了巨大贡献。莫伊尼汉议员:我代表纽约和美国，感谢你。 今晚我发誓，我将跨越两党的界限为全纽约的家庭创造繁荣进步。今天，我们是作为民 主党人和共和党人来投票选举;明天，我们将作为纽约人重新开始。 能生活在我国最丰富多彩、最生气勃勃的一个州，我们是多么的幸运。大家知道，从布 朗克斯以南到纽约最南端，从布鲁克林到布法罗，从蒙特哥到麦锡纳，从世界最高的摩天大 楼到令人叹为观止的山脉，我遇见了一些人，他们的容貌和故事，我永远也不会忘记。六十 二个县的成千上万的纽约人把我迎进了你们的学校、你们的风味小餐馆、你们的工厂、你们 的起居室和前廊。你们教导着我，你们测试着我，你们把面临的难题和关心的问题告诉我-- 学校的拥挤和喧闹，养育孩子和赡养年迈双亲的艰辛，寻求人人同等待遇的挑战，还有在纽 约州北部地区因为就业机会难寻，孩子们都离开故乡、移往他处的问题。长期以来，我一直 在为这些问题而奔忙，有些问题甚至已经忙了有30年，我决心让这些问题得到改观。 大家知道，我们国家有义务让每个负责任的公民和家庭的生活更上一层楼。这是最起码 的，作为一名参议员，我将尽自己最大的努力来实现它。 对于那些在过去没有支持我的人们，我想告诉你们，我将在参议院为你们、为全体纽约 人而工作。对于那些勤奋工作、甚至在最艰难的时期也不放弃信念的人们，我永远感谢你们。 14 Hope after the Tempest Mr. Chief Justice, my dear friends, my fellow Americans: The oath that I have taken is the same oath that was taken by George Washington and every president under the Constitution. But I assume the president under extraordinary circumstance, never before experienced by Americans. This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts. Therefore I feel it is my duty to make an unprecedented contact with my countrymen. Not in an inaugural address, not a fire side chat, not a campaign speech. Just a little straight talk among friends. And I intend it to be the first of many. I am acutely aware that you have not elected me as your president by your ballots. So I asked you to confirm me as your president with your prayers. And I hope such that prayers will also be the first of many. If you have not chosen me by secret ballots, neither I have gained office by any secret promise. I have not campaigned neither for presidency or vice-presidency. I have not subscribed to any partisan platform. I am indebted to no one and only to one woman-my dear wife- as I begin this difficult job. I have not sought this enormous responsibility, but I will not shirk it. Those who nominated, then confirm me as president, were my friends and are my friends. They were of both parties, elected by all the people and acting under the Constitution in their name. It is fitting that I should pledge to them and you that I will be the president of all the people. With all the strength and all the good sense I have gained from life, with all the confidence that my family, my friends and my dedicated staff impart to me, and with the good-will of countless Americans I have encountered in recent visits to forty states, I now solemnly reaffirm my promise I made to you last December 6th: to uphold the constitution, to do what is right as god gives me to see the right, and to do the very best I can for America. God helping me, I will not let you down. Thank you! 15 The Road to Success成功之路 It is well that the young men should begin at the beginning and occupy the most subordinate positions. Many of the leading bussinessmen of Pittsburgh had a serious responsibility thrust on them at the very threshold of their career. They were introduced to the broom, and spent the first hours of their bussiness lives sweeping out the office. I notice we have janitors and janitresses now in offices, and our young men unfortunately miss the salutary branch of a business education. But if by chance the professional sweeper is absent any morning, the boy who has the genius of the future partner in him will not hesitate to try his hand at the broom. The other day, a fond fashionable mother in Michigan asked a young man whether or not he had ever seen a young lady sweep in a room so grandly as her Priscilla.He said no, he never had, and the mother was gratified beyond measure.But then said he, afer a pause,"What I should like to see her do is sweeping out a room". It does not hurt a newest comer to sweep out the office if necessary. I was one of those sweepers myself. Assuming that you have all obtained employment and are fairly started, my advice to you is "aim high". I would not give a fig for the young man who does not already see himself the partner or the head of an important firm. Don't rest content for a moment in your thoughts as head clerk, or foremen, or general manager in any concern, no matter how extensive. Say to yourself "My place is at the top".Be king in your dreams. And here is the prime condition of success, the great secret: concentrate your energy, thought, and capital exlusively upon the business in which you are engaged. Having begun in one line, reslove to fight it out on that line, to lead in it ,adopt every impovement, have the best machinery, and know the most about it. And the concerns which fail are those which have scattered their capital , which mean that they have scattered their brain too. They have investments in this ,or that, or the other, here, there, and everywhere. "Don't put all your eggs in one basket" is all wrong, I tell you "put all your eggs in one basket and watch the basket." Look around yourself and take notice, men who do that not often fail. It is easy to watch one basket and carry it. It is trying to carry too many basket that breaks most eggs in this country. He who has three baskets must put one on his head, which is apt to tumble and trip him up. One fault of American businessmen is lack of concentration. To summarize what I have said: aim at the highest, never enter a bar room; don't touch liquor, or if at all only at meals; never speculate; never indorse beyond your surplus cash fund; make the firm's interests yours; break orders always to save owners; concentrate; put all the eggs in one basket and watch the basket; expenditure always within revenue; lastly be not impatient, for as Emorson said: no one can cheat you out of your ultimate success but yourselves. 16 Science and Art科学和艺术 I beg leave to thank you for the extremely kind and apprieciative manner in which you have received the toast of science. It is the more grateful to me to hear that toast proposed in an assembly of this kind. Because I have noticed of late years a great and growing tendency among those who were once jestingly said to have been born pre-scientific age to look upon science as an invading and aggressive force, which if it had find its own way, it would oust from the universe all other pursuits. I think there are mang persons who look upon the new birth of our times as a sort of monster rising out of the sea of modern thought with the purpose of devouring thd Andromeda of art. And now and then a Perseus, equipped with the shoes of swiftness of the ready writer, and with the cap of invisibility of the editorial article,and it may be with the Medusahead of vituperation, shows herself ready to try conclusions with the scientific dragon. Sir, I hope that Perseus should think better of it. First, for the sake of his own, because the creature is hard of head, strong of jaw, for some time past has shown a great capacity for going over and through whatever comes in his way; and secondly, for the sake of justice, for I assure you, of my own personal knowledge if left alone, the creature is a very debonair and gentle monster. As for the Andromeda of art, the creatrue has the tenderest respect for the lady, and desires nothing more than to see her happily settled and annually pruducing a flock of such charming children as those we see about us. But putting parables aside, I am unable to understand how any one with a knowledge of mankind can imagine that the growth of science can threaten the development of art in any of its forms. If I understand the matter at all, science and art are the obverse and reverse of the Nature's medal;the one expressing the external order of things, in terms of feeling , and the other in terms of thought. When men no longer love nor hate; when suffering causes no pity, and the tale of great deeds ceases to thrill, when the lily of the field shall seem no longer more beautifully arrayed than the Solomon in all his glory, and the owe has vanished from the snow-capped peak and deep ravine, and indeed the science may have the world to itself, but it will not be because the monster has devoured the art, but because one side of human nature is dead, and because men have lost half of their ancient and present attributes. 17 Eulogy for a Dog狗的颂歌 Gentleman of the jury, The best friend a man has in this world may turn against him andbecome his enmy.His son or daughter that he has reared with lovingcare may prove ungrateful. Those who are nearest and dearest to us,those whom we trust withour happiness and our good name,may become traitors to their faith. The money that a man has,he may lose.It flies away from him perhapswhen he neefs it most.A man's reputation may be sacrifice in a momentof ill-considered action. The people who are prone to fall on their kness to do us honor whensuccess is with us may be the first to throw the stone of mailice whenfailure settles its cloud upon our heads. The one absolutely unselfish friend that a man can have in this selfishworld,the one that never deserts him and the one never proves ungratefulor treacherous is his dog. Gentleman of the jury,A man'dog stands by him in poverty,in poverty,in health and in sickness. He will sleep on the cold ground where the wintry winds blow and thesnow driver fiercely,if only he may be near his master's side.He will kissthe hand that has no food to offer,he will lick the wounds and sores thatcome in encounters withthe roughness of the world.He guards the sleep of his pauper master as if hewere a prince. When all other friends desert,he remains.When riches take wings andreputation falls to pieces,he is as constant in his love as the sun in itsjounrney through the heavens. If fortune drives the master forth an outcast in the world,friendless andhomeless,the faithful dog asks no higher privilege than that of accompanyinghim to guard against danger,no matter if all other friends pursue their way,there by his graveside will the noble dog be found,his head between hispaws,his eyes sad but open in alert watchfulness,faithful and true,even to death. . 狗的赞歌 陪审团的先生们,这个世界上最好的朋友有可能背叛我们,变成我们的敌人,用爱和关怀 养育长大的孩子也可能---。 那些我们最亲密，最亲爱的人，那些我们托付幸福和名誉的人，也有可能背叛他们的信 仰。我们的钱财，可能失去，在最需要它们的时候飞得无影无踪。我们的名誉，也可能因为 一念之差，而瞬间扫地。 那些我们成功时卑躬屈膝的人，有可能是我们失败了头顶笼罩失意的乌云时最先落井下 石的。 在这个自私的世界里，我们所拥有的唯一的真正无私的朋友，就是我们的狗。永远不会 抛弃我们，永远不会忘恩负义，也永远不会背信弃义。 陪审团的先生们，我们的狗儿永远守在我们身边，不管富贵还是贫穷，健康还是疾病。 冬日的寒风大雪中，狗儿愿意躺在冰冷的地上，只要要主人在身边;即使没有任何食物， 狗儿依然会亲吻你的手心;它舔舐无情的世界带给你的创伤和痛苦。它守护着乞丐主人入睡， 仿佛他是王子。 就算所有朋友都抛弃了我们，它们不会。当财富离我们而去，名声破碎的时候，它们的 爱仍像太阳每天东升西落一样庚古不变。 如果命运迫使主人被世界遗忘，失去朋友和家园，忠诚的狗儿却仅要求伴在主人身边， 为他抵御危险，对抗敌人。 当死神把主人拉向自己的怀抱，主人的身体被埋在了冰冷的地下，不管其他的朋友会以 怎样的方式悼念他，都会发现他虔诚的狗儿守护在他的墓旁，把头埋在两爪之间，睁着悲伤 但是警惕的眼睛，忠实而真挚，直到死亡。 18 Speech Given by Colin Lucas at Beijing University(科林?卢卡斯在北京大学的演说) 牛津大学副校长科林?卢卡斯在北京大学的演说 Ladies and Gentlemen, Dear Colleagues: Because I am the Vice-Chancellor of the oldest of the foreign universities represented here today, I have been chosen to speak on their behalf. I am pleased to be their voice in presenting our heartfelt congratulations to the professors, teachers, researchers and students of Peking University on the 100th anniversary of its foundation. Our universities form a great intellectual community round the world. Science has no nationality; knowledge belongs to everyone. Our universities creat new knowledge. They teah this knowledge, together with that of other universities and also the best of the great storehouse of knowledge, which those who came before us have uncovered, tested and accumulated. All universities contibute to the prosperity and success of their country. They also conserve the culture and inheritance specific to their country's civization. But, they do more. Knowledge is secure only when it is hard won by the independent tests of accuracy, rational explanation and ture. So, when we teach our students skills, we also give them values. On the one side, these are values for personal and civic conduct. On the other side, these values underwrite the personal need for independent understanding which is the source of human creativity. These duties give universities a high responsibility. They are rooted in a great and fine tradition of honesty. university is a beacon of light in its own society and, by its association with its sisters, its knowledge and its values are spread wide. A tradition is not built easily ir quickly. During one hundred years, Peking University has been fashioning its tradition. Present and future members of the University! We hope to see you elaborate and consolidate your tradition. We hope to see you become a keystone of the intellectual community. In your next century, we hope to see you contribute to the international academic movement as a whole, as more and more of you numbers come to paticipate in the activities of your sister universities. Congratulations, Peking University on your first century of achievement! 19 20 Jimmy Carter’s Nobel Lecture(11) 吉米卡特的诺贝尔和平奖受奖演说(2) I am not here as a public official, but as a citizen of a troubled world who finds hope in a growing consensus that the generally accepted goals of society are peace, freedom, human rights, environmental quality, the alleviation of suffering, and the rule of law. During the past decades, the international community, usually under the auspices of the United Nations, has struggled to negotiate global standards that can help us achieve these essential goals. They include: the abolition of land mines and chemical weapons; an end to the testing, proliferation, and further deployment of nuclear warheads; constraints on global warming; prohibition of the death penalty, at least for children; and an international criminal court to deter and to punish war crimes and genocide. Those agreements already adopted must be fully implemented, and others should be pursued aggressively. We must also strive to correct the injustice of economic sanctions that seek to penalize abusive leaders but all too often inflict punishment on those who are already suffering from the abuse. The unchanging principles of life predate modern times. I worship Jesus Christ, whom we Christians consider to be the Prince of Peace. As a Jew, he taught us to cross religious boundaries, in service and in love. He repeatedly reached out and embraced Roman conquerors, other Gentiles, and even the more despised Samaritans. Despite theological differences, all great religions share common commitments that define our ideal secular relationships. I am convinced that Christians, Muslims, Buddhists, Hindus, Jews, and others can embrace each other in a common effort to alleviate human suffering and to espouse peace. But the present era is a challenging and disturbing time for those whose lives are shaped by religious faith based on kindness toward each other. We have been reminded that cruel and inhuman acts can be derived from distorted theological beliefs, as suicide bombers take the lives of innocent human beings, draped falsely in the cloak of God's will. With horrible brutality, neighbors have massacred neighbors in Europe, Asia, and Africa. In order for us human beings to commit ourselves personally to the inhumanity of war, we find it necessary first to dehumanize our opponents, which is in itself a violation of the beliefs of all religions. Once we characterize our adversaries as beyond the scope of God's mercy and grace, their lives lose all value. We deny personal responsibility when we plant landmines and, days or years later, a stranger to us - often a child – is crippled or killed. From a great distance, we launch bombs or missiles with almost total impunity, and never want to know the number or identity of the victims. At the beginning of this new millennium I was asked to discuss, here in Oslo, the greatest challenge that the world faces. Among all the possible choices, I decided that the most serious and universal problem is the growing chasm between the richest and poorest people on earth. Citizens of the ten wealthiest countries are now seventy-five times richer than those who live in the ten poorest ones, and the separation is increasing every year, not only between nations but also within them. The results of this disparity are root causes of most of the world's unresolved problems, including starvation, illiteracy, environmental degradation, violent conflict, and unnecessary illnesses that range from Guinea worm to HIV/AIDS. Most work of The Carter Center is in remote villages in the poorest nations of Africa, and there I have witnessed the capacity of destitute people to persevere under heartbreaking conditions. I have come to admire their judgment and wisdom, their courage and faith, and their awesome accomplishments when given a chance to use their innate abilities. But tragically, in the industrialized world there is a terrible absence of understanding or concern about those who are enduring lives of despair and hopelessness. We have not yet made the commitment to share with others an appreciable part of our excessive wealth. This is a potentially rewarding burden that we should all be willing to assume. Ladies and gentlemen: War may sometimes be a necessary evil. But no matter how necessary, it is always an evil, never a good. We will not learn how to live together in peace by killing each other's children. The bond of our common humanity is stronger than the divisiveness of our fears and prejudices. God gives us the capacity for choice. We can choose to alleviate suffering. We can choose to work together for peace. We can make these changes - and we must. Thank you.