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我有一个梦 马丁·路德·金I have a dream 原文加译文

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我有一个梦 马丁·路德·金I have a dream 原文加译文我有一个梦 马丁·路德·金I have a dream 原文加译文 Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the...

我有一个梦 马丁·路德·金I have a dream 原文加译文
我有一个梦 马丁·路德·金I have a dream 原文加译文 Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity. But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition. In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring." And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California! But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia! Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee! Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!" 译文: 一百年前,一位伟大的美国人签署了《解放宣言》,我们今天正站在他的纪念堂 前。这份重要的法令如同大光为千百万被不公不义之火所吞噬的黑奴带来了盼望。它 的到来如同快乐的黎明战胜了漫漫长夜的煎熬。 但是一百年过去了,我们却必须面对悲惨的事实,因为黑人仍然没有自由。一百 年过去了,黑人们依然在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的锁链中过着悲惨的生活。一百 年过去了,黑人被孤立于物质繁华之辽阔海洋中的荒岛上。一百年过去了,黑人仍然 潦倒于美国社会的角落,感到他们被放逐于自己的家园。所以今天我们才来到这里, 要把这骇人听闻的现状公诸于众。 就某种意义来说我们来到我们国家的首都是为了要兑现一张支票。当我们共和国 的缔造者写下宪法和独立宣言上庄严的文句时,他们已经签置了每一个美国人都有权 承继的支票簿。这份票据的应许是对所有人(是的,黑人和白人)的生命、自由以及 寻求幸福的不可剥夺之权力的保证 关于书的成语关于读书的排比句社区图书漂流公约怎么写关于读书的小报汉书pdf 。 今天,显而易见的是美国在她有色人种的公民中没有履行这份承诺。美国未能兑 现这份神圣的契约,而是给了黑人一张被退回的无效支票,上面标示着“资金不足”。 但我们决不相信公义的银行会破产。我们决不相信在这个国度伟大机遇的保库中会资 金不足。所以我们来兑现这张支票―一张将为我们带来宝贵的自由和公义之保障的支票。我们来到这个神圣的所在更是要提醒美国:这是个艰难与危机的时刻。现在不是 缓和情绪或服用渐进主义的镇静剂的时候。现在正是时候,是从黑暗与荒凉的种族主 义幽谷中崛起进到充满阳光的种族平等的大道上的时候。现在正是时候,是向所有上 帝的儿女打开机会大门的时候。现在正是时候,是将我们的国家从种族不平等的流沙 中迁到弟兄和睦相处的磐石上的时候。 如果国家忽视这紧急的时刻或者低估了黑人的决心,那对她将会是毁灭性的。如 果自由与平等的清爽秋日不来,黑人合理的哀怨的酷暑将不会过去。一九六三不是一 个结束,而是一个开始。如果国家依然我行我素,那些希望黑人需要宣泄一番然后就 会满足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前,美国既不会安宁也不会平静。抗争 的风暴将继续震动我们国家的根基直到正义显现的光明之日。 然而我必需提醒大家,我们正站在通往正义之殿的门槛前。在获得我们公正地位 的过程中我们决不可以采取不正当的手段。不要为了满足对自由的渴望而去饮用暴力 与仇恨的杯。 我们必须永远在自重与自约的高尚境界中进行我们的奋斗。我们决不允许我们创 造性的主张退化成为身体上的暴力。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的 至高境界。我们不应因卷入黑人社区内不同凡响的新抗争而从此不信任所有的白人, 对于很多我们的白人兄弟,正如今天这里同样在场的白人兄弟所证明的,他们已经发 现他们的命运与我们的命运系结在一起了,而他们的自由与我们的自由更是不可分 隔,休戚相关。我们不能单独行动。 当我们行动的时候,我们将要立定心志永往直前。我们不能回头。有人质问那些 献身于民权的志愿者“什么时候你们才能满意?”。我们决不会满意,只要我们的民众, 在经过艰难的旅途跋涉之后没有权力在公路边的旅店或市中心的宾馆住宿。我们决不 会满意,只要黑人基本的活动范围局限于从一个狭小的贫困居住区搬到一个较大的。 我们决不能满意,只要在密西西比州的黑人还没有投票选举的权力;而在纽约的黑人 仍然认为他们与选举权毫不相干。不…,决不…,我们不能满意,我们决不能满意,直到有一天“公平如大水滚滚,公义如江河滔滔”。 我并没有忽视到我们中间的一些人,他们是刚从大试炼和大患难中走出来的。你 们有些人是刚刚从狭窄的单人牢房里出来的。有些人来自那些为了追求自由而被逼迫 的风暴和警察暴行之狂风所蹂躏的地区。你们历经了这空前的磨难而成为斗士。继续 战斗吧,要深信:这不该有的患难必然会过去。 回到密西西比去,回到亚拉巴马去,回到乔治亚去,回到南卡罗来纳去,回到路 易斯安娜,回到北方城市中的贫民区和种族隔离区去,要知晓有一天这样的情景能够 并且一定会转变。让我们不要驻足于绝望的幽谷。 今天我要告诉你,我的朋友们,尽管面对这个艰难与无望的时刻,我仍有一个梦。 这个梦深深地源自美利坚之梦。 我有一个梦,那就是有一天这个国家会兴起将“我们拥有这不证自明的真理:人人被造而平等”之信念的本意彰显于世。 我有一个梦,那就是有一天在乔治亚州的红色丘陵上,奴隶的后代与奴隶主的后 代将会环坐在兄弟相爱的桌前。 我有一个梦,有朝一日甚至连密西西比州,这个如今仍在不公和压迫的酷热中的 沙漠之州,会转化成自由与公义的绿洲。 我有一个梦,我的四个孩子有一天会生活在这样一个国家:不是根据他们的肤色 而是根据他们的品德与性格来评判他们。 我有一个梦,就在今天! 我有一个梦,有朝一日在亚拉巴马州——尽管州长的喉舌们不久前还在对联邦法令出尔反尔,拒绝执行——将变成一个美好的所在,在那里黑人的孩子们与白人的孩 子们会手牵手走在一起情同手足。 我有一个梦,就在今天! 我有一个梦,有一天“一切山洼都要填满,大小山冈都要削平,高高低低的要改 为平坦,崎崎岖岖的必成为平原。耶和华的荣耀必然显现,凡有血气的,必一同看见” (引自以赛亚书四十章4-5节,另参路加福音三章5-6节) 这是我们的盼望。这就是令我回到南方的信念。因着这个信心我们将砍倒压抑盼 望的巨石,就是那绝望之山岭。因着这个信心我们会将我们国家中那不和谐的吵闹转 化成兄弟相爱的美妙乐曲。伴着这样的信心我们将在一起工作,一起祷告,一起奋斗, 一起下监,为了自由站在一起,深知有一天我们终将自由。 那一天将是所有上帝的儿女以全新的意义歌唱的一天:“我的家园,你的居所, 自由的美地,我歌唱。这是我们祖先安息之所,是天路客自豪的所在;从每一处山麓, 让自由之声传遍。” 如果美利坚要成为一个伟大的国度这歌中的美景必须实现。所以,让自由之声从 新汉普郡的大山之顶响起;让自由之声从新约克郡的山脉间响起;让自由之声从宾西 法尼亚州阿莱干尼高地响起。 让自由之声从科罗拉多白雪皑皑的洛矶山上响起! 让自由之声从加利福尼亚婀娜的群山间响起! 但是不仅如此;还要让自由之声自乔治亚州的大石山上响起! 让自由之声从田纳西州的眺望山上响起! 让自由之声从密西西比州的每一座山、每个丘陵上响起。从每一处山麓,让自由 之声响彻。 当我们使自由之声响彻之时,当我们使这声音响彻每一个村落每一个乡镇,从每 一个省和每一个城市,我们就可以加速这一天的到来:那时所有上帝的儿女,黑人和 白人,犹太人和外邦人,基督徒和天主教徒,将手牵手地同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌, “自由了!自由了!感谢全能的上帝,最后我们终于自由了!”
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