Contemporary China Center, Australian National University
Review: [untitled]
Author(s): André Laliberté
Source: The China Journal, No. 62 (Jul., 2009), pp. 165-168
Published by: Contemporary China Center, Australian National University
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REVIEWS 165
to ineffective top-down controls could introduce political liberalization through
the back door. Joseph Fewsmith argues that, in response to rent-seeking, a number
of local innovations in grass-roots leadership selection and consultation are
proceeding across China. While not democratization, these minor adjustments
constitute part of Leninist adaptation. David Shambaugh provides further insight
into the Party's survival strategies: its close analysis of Soviet, Eastern European
and regional transitions underlined the vital importance of Party unity and
rejuvenation, controlling civil society and watching foreign forces. The response
has involved eclectic borrowing of reforms from other countries and grafting
them onto a Leninist core. While successful thus far, the long-term compatibility
of these borrowings remains to be seen.
This analysis is inconclusive on whether democracy will emerge from
incremental political change in China. As many as four contradictory pathways to
democracy are proposed: as the logical outcome of current reforms; as their
unexpected outcome; as an altogether unlikely outcome; and as one possible (but
unlikely) result of a system collapse. This suggests that insufficient basis exists
for reasonably answering such a question. Indeed, when democracy is more
narrowly defined as competitive elections for public offices, clear consensus
emerges that this is not on the horizon in China's near political future. Given the
wide array of political changes documented in this book, but the very limited
prospects for democracy, what might be concluded is that democracy is of little
use as a concept in assessing China's current phase of political transformation.
Other, less pre-determined frameworks can offer better interpretations of the
changes taking place, including theories on institution-building, political
participation and changes in governance. Extrapolating from the book's
interesting findings, specific questions can already be posed, such as: (1) how the
tension between protecting ?lite interests and satisfying broader constituencies is
being handled; (2) how and when pluralization and exclusion occur in changing
political processes; and (3) what relationship there is between erosion of political
legitimacy and various reforms. Answering such questions will unveil, not the
ultimate destination of China's political reforms, but rather the processes, actors,
likely paths and important veto points critical to a realistic assessment of the
PRC's future political development.
Stephen Trott
University of Toronto
De Facto Federalism in China: Reforms and Dynamics of Central-Local
Relations, by Zheng Yongnian. Singapore: World Scientific, 2007. xxvi + 429 pp.
US$87.00/?47.00 (hardcover).
Zheng Yongnian argues that, by using a simplistic dichotomy between "unitary
states" and "federalism", researchers looking at relations between the centre and
local governments in China have failed to see that formal organizational changes
166 THE CHINA JOURNAL, No. 62
have lagged behind important informal behavioral changes in these relations. He
uses the concept of de facto federalism to describe this singular pattern (p. 29).
After explaining why the structural, procedural and cultural approaches to the
study of central-local relations are lacking when each is taken individually, Zheng
introduces the new institutional approach to provide an integrated approach for
analyzing this central-local dynamics. In Chapter 2, he introduces the three
institutions that he sees embedded in China's de facto federalism: coercion,
bargaining and reciprocity. Chapter 3 argues that central-local relations have
become increasingly reciprocal in the post-Mao era because of three factors. First,
coalitions have emerged between reformers in the central government and local
leaders, after the former implemented nationwide major reforms which the latter
succeeded in initiating. Second, the reform era eroded the authority of central
leaders in Beijing, reducing the role of Party ideology. Finally, a system of local
elections gave legitimacy to local leaders.
In the three chapters that follow, Zheng looks at three case studies illustrating
this pattern of reciprocity. He observes that the Jiangsu provincial government
obtained considerable autonomy in de facto federalism but did not use this to
adopt policies differing from those of the central government. This tacit
understanding between the central and provincial governments was possible
because both levels of government agreed on the goals of economic growth. One
of the positive fallouts of that decentralization is that it convinced the central
government that granting some measure of autonomy to the province did not have
adverse consequences for the country's unity.
In the next chapter, Zheng looks at the relations between the central and
Zhejiang provincial governments, but also at Wenzhou municipality, thereby
adding a level of complexity and nuance to his study of decentralization. He
shows that Wenzhou, a dynamic centre for the private sector up to the 1960s,
departed the most from the socialist model, and therefore received little support
from the central government at the beginning of the reform process, when the
reformers' hold on the central government had yet to be entrenched. Zheng argues
that, despite conflicts between the local government and the centre over the pace
and the extent of reform, the central government did not reclaim the powers which
it had delegated to the province, but instead provided incentives to local leaders to
ensure their cooperation with the centre.
The third case study focuses on Guangdong, a province which gave great
difficulty to the central government because of the strength of localism, and
where a policy of recentralization has been applied more recently. The chapter
explains the quandary the central government faces when trying to clamp down
too harshly on localism: central leaders fear the risk of the political fragmentation
inherent in strong localism, but they also recognize its importance in fostering
economic growth. However, Guangdong, where the reassertion of central control
remains to be firmly implemented, may represent an exceptional case.
In Chapter 7, Zheng looks at the options available to provinces lacking the
resources and endowment of rich coastal provinces examined in his previous
REVIEWS 167
chapters. When provinces lack the resources to bargain, they may face difficulty
in gaining support from the centre and in benefitting from reciprocity. In his study
of the Economic Cooperation Association of Southwest China (ECASC), which
includes Guizhou, Yunnan, Sichuan and Tibet, Zheng documents the strategy of
collective bargaining adopted by provinces with little resources in order to obtain
support from the centre.
The concluding chapter discusses the institutionalization of de facto
federalism. Zheng makes clear that this is not an option for the current
government, because it fears the consequences of such an evolution. He explains
that, although pragmatic policies of decentralization adopted as a result of the
reform policies have prevented the central government from intervening
arbitrarily in the economy and have thereby favored the growth of a market
economy, top leaders remain reluctant to institutionalize de facto federalism. For
central leaders, he argues, federalism represents an ideology meant to divide
politically China as a sovereign state. He also notes that some provinces are
inherently hostile to federalism because they could benefit from a strong central
government's ability to redistribute wealth. He concludes that de facto federalism
provides the central government with greater flexibility than does de jure
federalism, and suggests that the latter may become a reality only incrementally,
as a result of future reform policies.
This study provides a good analysis of the structure and the pattern of
relations between the wealthy coastal provinces and the centre. As such, it sheds
light on a relationship that matters very much to how we understand the factors
that have facilitated China's economic growth. However, it nevertheless leaves
behind the more complex pattern of relations between the centre and the majority
of the provinces in central and Western China, a region which lacks the clout and
the resources to bargain with the central government. The ECASC case study
offers a good example of collective bargaining, but it is not clear whether this
strategy is the norm or an exception. Ideally, it would also have been interesting
to include more studies of lower levels of governments, as well as of how
autonomous regions have fared in the context of de facto federalism. This is a
minor quibble, because there is only so much that one can accomplish in a study
of such a scale, but another important dimension of federalism could have
received more attention.
Historically, federalism has not been intended primarily as a mechanism
favoring macro-economic efficiency but as a strategy to accommodate pre
existing states with different interests which have agreed to delegate part of their
sovereignty to a higher authority (the United States, Australia, Germany) or as a
political compromise to reconcile different ethnic or religious groups that were
compelled to live within the polity inherited from colonial rule (as with India or
Nigeria). Neither of these situations applies to China, so the relevance of
federalism to the current strategies used by the Chinese government remains
debatable. Yet, some illustrious Chinese analysts have reflected on this issue,
within the frameworks of socialism (taking the Soviet Union as a model) or
168 THE CHINA JOURNAL, No. 62
liberalism. They have argued that federalism could provide a solution to the vexed
problem of Tibet's inclusion in China in a way that both maintains China's unity
and respects genuine autonomy for minority nationalities.
This was the argument made by Yan Jiaqi, who promoted the idea of a
confederation between the provinces of continental China, on the one hand, and
Tibet, Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia and Taiwan, on the other. Yan's view
represented a bold approach which could have helped to resolve the fundamental
contradictions inherent to a unitary multinational state like China. Instead of
tackling that issue head on, Zheng notes in his penultimate paragraph that Yan
was criticized by colleagues. One reservation to this otherwise sober and well
written analysis of de facto federalism is that such important dimension of
federalism is overlooked.
Overall, this book represents a good study of the Chinese state's ability to
provide a flexible institutional framework favoring economic growth. It will be of
interest to those studying comparative public administration and the political
economy of emerging markets.
Andr? Lalibert?
University of Ottawa
Democracy is a Good Thing: Essays on Politics, Society, and Culture in
Contemporary China, by Yu Keping. Washington: Brookings Institution Press,
2009. xxxii + 219 pp. US$34.95/?19.99 (hardcover).
Globalization and Changes in China's Governance, by Yu Keping. Leiden: Brill,
2008. 275 pp. 69.00/US$ 103.00 (hardcover).
These two books should establish Yu Keping, already a well-known public
intellectual in China, as a major thinker and commentator on Chinese politics,
society and intellectual currents in the English-speaking world. The essays display
a remarkable breadth of interest, thoroughness of research and depth of reflection.
Perhaps the most salient contribution is Yu's argument for incremental democracy
in China, but his contribution does not reduce to a single theme. His research on
village-level civil organizations, his musings on the tensions between
modernization and cultural autonomy, and his intellectual histories of
modernization and federalism are all worthy of close attention.
Democracy is a Good Thing is the better-prepared of the two anthologies.
Cheng Li narrates Yu's career from his membership in the legendary 1978
university cohort and his later studies with Professor Zhao Baoxu at Peking
University to his current positions as deputy director of the Translation and
Compilation Bureau of the Central Committee and professor of politics at Peking
University. Li also presents a clear and brief analysis of Yu's thinking on
democracy. The book includes a bibliography of Yu's writings over the last ten
years. By contrast, Globalization and Changes in China's Governance is a bare
bones collection, without index or introduction. Thus Democracy is the place to
Article Contents
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Issue Table of Contents
The China Journal, No. 62 (Jul., 2009), pp. 1-252
Front Matter
A Chinese State Enterprise under the Reforms: What Model of Capitalism? [pp. 1-26]
Political Machinations in a Rural County [pp. 29-59]
Rural Cadres and Governance in China: Incentive, Institution and Accountability [pp. 61-77]
The Politics of Fee Extraction from Private Enterprises, 1996-2003 [pp. 79-102]
Rebirth and Secularization of the Central Party School in China [pp. 105-125]
Reviews
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Back Matter
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