Civil Disobedience
Henry David Thoreau
Civil Disobedience
1
Civil Disobedience
I heartily accept the motto, “That government is best which governs
least”; and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and
systematically. Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which also I
believe—“That government is best which governs not at all”; and
when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government
which they will have. Government is at best but an expedient; but
most governments are usually, and all governments are sometimes,
inexpedient. The objections which have been brought against a
standing army, and they are many and weighty, and deserve to
prevail, may also at last be brought against a standing government.
The standing army is only an arm of the standing government. The
government itself, which is only the mode which the people have
chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be abused and
perverted before the people can act through it. Witness the present
Mexican war, the work of comparatively a few individuals using the
standing government as their tool; for in the outset, the people
would not have consented to this measure.
This American government—what is it but a tradition, though a
recent one, endeavoring to transmit itself unimpaired to posterity,
but each instant losing some of its integrity? It has not the vitality
and force of a single living man; for a single man can bend it to his
will. It is a sort of wooden gun to the people themselves. But it is not
the less necessary for this; for the people must have some
complicated machinery or other, and hear its din, to satisfy that idea
of government which they have. Governments show thus how
successfully men can be imposed upon, even impose on themselves,
for their own advantage. It is excellent, we must all allow. Yet this
government never of itself furthered any enterprise, but by the
alacrity with which it got out of its way. It does not keep the country
free. It does not settle the West. It does not educate. The character
inherent in the American people has done all that has been
accomplished; and it would have done somewhat more, if the
government had not sometimes got in its way. For government is an
expedient, by which men would fain succeed in letting one another
Civil Disobedience
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alone; and, as has been said, when it is most expedient, the governed
are most let alone by it. Trade and commerce, if they were not made
of india‐rubber, would never manage to bounce over obstacles
which legislators are continually putting in their way; and if one
were to judge these men wholly by the effects of their actions and
not partly by their intentions, they would deserve to be classed and
punished with those mischievious persons who put obstructions on
the railroads.
But, to speak practically and as a citizen, unlike those who call
themselves no‐government men, I ask for, not at once no government,
but at once a better government. Let every man make known what
kind of government would command his respect, and that will be
one step toward obtaining it.
After all, the practical reason why, when the power is once in the
hands of the people, a majority are permitted, and for a long period
continue, to rule is not because they are most likely to be in the right,
nor because this seems fairest to the minority, but because they are
physically the strongest. But a government in which the majority
rule in all cases can not be based on justice, even as far as men
understand it. Can there not be a government in which the majorities
do not virtually decide right and wrong, but conscience?—in which
majorities decide only those questions to which the rule of
expediency is applicable? Must the citizen ever for a moment, or in
the least degree, resign his conscience to the legislator? Why has
every man a conscience then? I think that we should be men first,
and subjects afterward. It is not desirable to cultivate a respect for
the law, so much as for the right. The only obligation which I have a
right to assume is to do at any time what I think right. It is truly
enough said that a corporation has no conscience; but a corporation
of conscientious men is a corporation with a conscience. Law never
made men a whit more just; and, by means of their respect for it,
even the well‐disposed are daily made the agents on injustice. A
common and natural result of an undue respect for the law is, that
you may see a file of soldiers, colonel, captain, corporal, privates,
powder‐monkeys, and all, marching in admirable order over hill and
dale to the wars, against their wills, ay, against their common sense
and consciences, which makes it very steep marching indeed, and
produces a palpitation of the heart. They have no doubt that it is a
damnable business in which they are concerned; they are all
peaceably inclined. Now, what are they? Men at all? or small
movable forts and magazines, at the service of some unscrupulous
Civil Disobedience
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man in power? Visit the Navy Yard, and behold a marine, such a
man as an American government can make, or such as it can make a
man with its black arts—a mere shadow and reminiscence of
humanity, a man laid out alive and standing, and already, as one
may say, buried under arms with funeral accompaniment, though it
may be,
“Not a drum was heard, not a funeral note,
As his corse to the rampart we hurried;
Not a soldier discharged his farewell shot
O‘er the grave where our hero was buried.”
The mass of men serve the state thus, not as men mainly, but as
machines, with their bodies. They are the standing army, and the
militia, jailers, constables, posse comitatus, etc. In most cases there is
no free exercise whatever of the judgement or of the moral sense; but
they put themselves on a level with wood and earth and stones; and
wooden men can perhaps be manufactured that will serve the
purpose as well. Such command no more respect than men of straw
or a lump of dirt. They have the same sort of worth only as horses
and dogs. Yet such as these even are commonly esteemed good
citizens. Others—as most legislators, politicians, lawyers, ministers,
and office‐holders—serve the state chiefly with their heads; and, as
they rarely make any moral distinctions, they are as likely to serve
the devil, without intending it, as God. A very few—as heroes,
patriots, martyrs, reformers in the great sense, and men—serve the
state with their consciences also, and so necessarily resist it for the
most part; and they are commonly treated as enemies by it. A wise
man will only be useful as a man, and will not submit to be “clay,”
and “stop a hole to keep the wind away,” but leave that office to his
dust at least:
“I am too high born to be propertied,
To be a second at control,
Or useful serving‐man and instrument
To any sovereign state throughout the world.”
He who gives himself entirely to his fellow men appears to them
useless and selfish; but he who gives himself partially to them in
pronounced a benefactor and philanthropist.
How does it become a man to behave toward the American
government today? I answer, that he cannot without disgrace be
Civil Disobedience
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associated with it. I cannot for an instant recognize that political
organization as my government which is the slave‘s government also.
All men recognize the right of revolution; that is, the right to refuse
allegiance to, and to resist, the government, when its tyranny or its
inefficiency are great and unendurable. But almost all say that such
is not the case now. But such was the case, they think, in the
Revolution of ‘75. If one were to tell me that this was a bad
government because it taxed certain foreign commodities brought to
its ports, it is most probable that I should not make an ado about it,
for I can do without them. All machines have their friction; and
possibly this does enough good to counter‐balance the evil. At any
rate, it is a great evil to make a stir about it. But when the friction
comes to have its machine, and oppression and robbery are
organized, I say, let us not have such a machine any longer. In other
words, when a sixth of the population of a nation which has
undertaken to be the refuge of liberty are slaves, and a whole
country is unjustly overrun and conquered by a foreign army, and
subjected to military law, I think that it is not too soon for honest
men to rebel and revolutionize. What makes this duty the more
urgent is that fact that the country so overrun is not our own, but
ours is the invading army.
Paley, a common authority with many on moral questions, in his
chapter on the “Duty of Submission to Civil Government,” resolves
all civil obligation into expediency; and he proceeds to say that “so
long as the interest of the whole society requires it, that is, so long as
the established government cannot be resisted or changed without
public inconvenience, it is the will of God . . . that the established
government be obeyed—and no longer. This principle being
admitted, the justice of every particular case of resistance is reduced
to a computation of the quantity of the danger and grievance on the
one side, and of the probability and expense of redressing it on the
other.” Of this, he says, every man shall judge for himself. But Paley
appears never to have contemplated those cases to which the rule of
expediency does not apply, in which a people, as well as an
individual, must do justice, cost what it may. If I have unjustly
wrested a plank from a drowning man, I must restore it to him
though I drown myself. This, according to Paley, would be
inconvenient. But he that would save his life, in such a case, shall
lose it. This people must cease to hold slaves, and to make war on
Mexico, though it cost them their existence as a people.
Civil Disobedience
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In their practice, nations agree with Paley; but does anyone think
that Massachusetts does exactly what is right at the present crisis?
“A drab of stat,
a cloth‐o’‐silver slut,
To have her train borne up,
and her soul trail in the dirt.”
Practically speaking, the opponents to a reform in Massachusetts are
not a hundred thousand politicians at the South, but a hundred
thousand merchants and farmers here, who are more interested in
commerce and agriculture than they are in humanity, and are not
prepared to do justice to the slave and to Mexico, cost what it may. I
quarrel not with far‐off foes, but with those who, near at home, co‐
operate with, and do the bidding of, those far away, and without
whom the latter would be harmless. We are accustomed to say, that
the mass of men are unprepared; but improvement is slow, because
the few are not as materially wiser or better than the many. It is not
so important that many should be good as you, as that there be some
absolute goodness somewhere; for that will leaven the whole lump.
There are thousands who are in opinion opposed to slavery and to the
war, who yet in effect do nothing to put an end to them; who,
esteeming themselves children of Washington and Franklin, sit
down with their hands in their pockets, and say that they know not
what to do, and do nothing; who even postpone the question of
freedom to the question of free trade, and quietly read the prices‐
current along with the latest advices from Mexico, after dinner, and,
it may be, fall asleep over them both. What is the price‐current of an
honest man and patriot today? They hesitate, and they regret, and
sometimes they petition; but they do nothing in earnest and with
effect. They will wait, well disposed, for other to remedy the evil,
that they may no longer have it to regret. At most, they give up only
a cheap vote, and a feeble countenance and Godspeed, to the right,
as it goes by them. There are nine hundred and ninety‐nine patrons
of virtue to one virtuous man. But it is easier to deal with the real
possessor of a thing than with the temporary guardian of it.
All voting is a sort of gaming, like checkers or backgammon, with a
slight moral tinge to it, a playing with right and wrong, with moral
questions; and betting naturally accompanies it. The character of the
voters is not staked. I cast my vote, perchance, as I think right; but I
am not vitally concerned that that right should prevail. I am willing
to leave it to the majority. Its obligation, therefore, never exceeds that
Civil Disobedience
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of expediency. Even voting for the right is doing nothing for it. It is
only expressing to men feebly your desire that it should prevail. A
wise man will not leave the right to the mercy of chance, nor wish it
to prevail through the power of the majority. There is but little virtue
in the action of masses of men. When the majority shall at length
vote for the abolition of slavery, it will be because they are
indifferent to slavery, or because there is but little slavery left to be
abolished by their vote. They will then be the only slaves. Only his
vote can hasten the abolition of slavery who asserts his own freedom
by his vote.
I hear of a convention to be held at Baltimore, or elsewhere, for the
selection of a candidate for the Presidency, made up chiefly of
editors, and men who are politicians by profession; but I think, what
is it to any independent, intelligent, and respectable man what
decision they may come to? Shall we not have the advantage of this
wisdom and honesty, nevertheless? Can we not count upon some
independent votes? Are there not many individuals in the country
who do not attend conventions? But no: I find that the respectable
man, so called, has immediately drifted from his position, and
despairs of his country, when his country has more reasons to
despair of him. He forthwith adopts one of the candidates thus
selected as the only available one, thus proving that he is himself
available for any purposes of the demagogue. His vote is of no more
worth than that of any unprincipled foreigner or hireling native, who
may have been bought. O for a man who is a man, and, as my
neighbor says, has a bone in his back which you cannot pass your
hand through! Our statistics are at fault: the population has been
returned too large. How many men are there to a square thousand
miles in the country? Hardly one. Does not America offer any
inducement for men to settle here? The American has dwindled into
an Odd Fellow—one who may be known by the development of his
organ of gregariousness, and a manifest lack of intellect and cheerful
self‐reliance; whose first and chief concern, on coming into the
world, is to see that the almshouses are in good repair; and, before
yet he has lawfully donned the virile garb, to collect a fund to the
support of the widows and orphans that may be; who, in short,
ventures to live only by the aid of the Mutual Insurance company,
which has promised to bury him decently.
It is not a man‘s duty, as a matter of course, to devote himself to the
eradication of any, even to most enormous wrong; he may still
properly have other concerns to engage him; but it is his duty, at
Civil Disobedience
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least, to wash his hands of it, and, if he gives it no thought longer,
not to give it practically his support. If I devote myself to other
pursuits and contemplations, I must first see, at least, that I do not
pursue them sitting upon another man‘s shoulders. I must get off
him first, that he may pursue his contemplations too. See what gross
inconsistency is tolerated. I have heard some of my townsmen say, “I
should like to have them order me out to help put down an
insurrection of the slaves, or to march to Mexico—see if I would go”;
and yet these very men have each, directly by their allegiance, and so
indirectly, at least, by their money, furnished a substitute. The
soldier is applauded who refuses to serve in an unjust war by those
who do not refuse to sustain the unjust government which makes the
war; is applauded by those whose own act and authority he
disregards and sets at naught; as if the state were penitent to that
degree that it hired one to scourge it while it sinned, but not to that
degree that it left off sinning for a moment. Thus, under the name of
Order and Civil Government, we are all made at last to pay homage
to and support our own meanness. After the first blush of sin comes
its indifference; and from immoral it becomes, as it were, unmoral,
and not quite unnecessary to that life which we have made.
The broadest and most prevalent error requires the most
disinterested virtue to sustain it. The slight reproach to which the
virtue of patriotism is commonly liable, the noble are most likely to
incur. Those who, while they disapprove of the character and
measures of a government, yield to it their allegiance and support
are undoubtedly its most conscientious supporters, and so
frequently the most serious obstacles to reform. Some are petitioning
the State to dissolve the Union, to disregard the requisitions of the
President. Why do they not dissolve it themselves—the union
between themselves and the State—and refuse to pay their quota
into its treasury? Do not they stand in the same relation to the State
that the State does to the Union? And have not the same reasons
prevented the State from resisting the Union which have prevented
them from resisting the State?
How can a man be satisfied to entertain an opinion merely, and
enjoy it? Is there any enjoyment in it, if his opinion is that he is
aggrieved? If you are cheated out of a single dollar by your neighbor,
you do not rest satisfied with knowing you are cheated, or with
saying that you are cheated, or even with petitioning him to pay you
your due; but you take effectual steps at once to obtain the full
amount, and see to it that you are never cheated again. Action from
Civil Disobedience
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principle, the perception and the performance of right, changes
things and relations; it is essentially revolutionary, and does not
consist wholly with anything which was. It not only divided States
and churches, it divides families; ay, it divides the individual,
separating the diabolical in him from the divine.
Unjust laws exist: shall we be content to obey them, or shall we
endeavor to amend them, and obey them until we have succeeded,
or shall we transgress them at once? Men, generally, under such a
government as this, think that
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