当代研究生英语下册原文翻译

当代研究生英语下册原文翻译 Leo_Chan 修改版 UNIT 1 PASSAGES OF HUMAN GROWTH (I) 1 A person’s life at any given time incorporates both external and internal aspects. The external system is composed of our memberships in the culture: our job, social class, family and social roles, how we present ourselves to and participate in the world. The interior realm concerns the meanings this participation has for each of us. In what ways are our values, goals, and aspirations being invigorated or violated by our present life system? How many parts of our personality can we live out, and what parts are we suppressing? How do we feel about our way of living in the world at any given time? 1(一个人在每一特定时期内的生活都是由外部生活和内心生活这两个方面结合而成的。外部生活是指我们在文明社会中的实际生活(对文明社会中实际活动的参与)，其中包括我们的工作、社会地位、家庭生活、(担当的)社会角色、我们如何向社会展现自己，以及如何参与到社会中去等。内心生活是指我们所参与的种种外部活动对我们个人产生的影响。例如，我们目前的生活体系是符合我们的价值观、目标和理想呢，还是与之相违背? 我们的个性能在多大程度上得到发挥，还是受到某种程度的压抑? 在每一特定时期，我们对自己的生活方式又有何种感受? 2 The inner realm is where the crucial shifts in bedrock begin to throw a person off balance, signaling the necessity to change and move on to a new footing in the next stage of development. These crucial shifts occur throughout life, yet people consistently refuse to recognize that they possess an internal life system. Ask anyone who seems down, “Why are you feeling low?” Most will displace the inner message onto a marker event: “I’ve been down since we moved, since I changed jobs, since my wife went back to graduate school and turned into a damn social worker in sackcloth,” and so on. Probably less than ten percent would say: “There is some unknown disturbance within me, and even though it’s painful, I feel I have to stay with it and ride it out.” Even fewer people would be able to explain that the turbulence they feel may have no external cause. And yet it may not resolve itself for several years. 2(正是在人的内心世界这个领域中，一些重大的和基本的转变开始使人失去自我平衡，这就意味着必须进行调整，以步人人生发展的下一个阶段。?人的是阶段性的:在人生必经的一些重大转折关头，如果一个人觉得失去自我平衡，这就意味着要进行调整，以步人人生发展的下一个阶段，这些重大转折贯穿人的一生，只是是人们往往不承认自己具有这样一种内在的生命系统。如果你问一个看来不得志的人:“你为何如此消沉?” 大部分人总是把那些内心因素解释成比较明显的外部因素——他会对你说:“我之所以以不高兴，是因为我最近搬家了，我原来的工作也换了，我的妻子又回学校去读研究生， 还要干什么倒霉的社会工作，还因为其他一些乱七八糟的事，” 或许只有不足十分之一的人会说:“我感到有一种不可名状的烦恼，尽管很痛苦，可我还得设法忍受它、克服它” 更少有人会承认这些思想情绪的波动和外界因素没有什么关系。然而这种痛苦可能需要好几年才能熬过去。 3 During each of these passages, how we feel about our way of living will undergo subtle changes in four areas of perception. One is the interior sense of self in relation to others. A second is the proportion of safeness to danger we feel in our lives. A third is our perception of time—do we have plenty of it, or are we beginning to feel that time is running out? Last, there will be some shift at the gut level in our sense of aliveness or stagnation. These are the hazy sensations that compose the background tone of living and shape the decisions on which we take action. 1 当代研究生英语(下) 3(在这些变化和转折中，我们对生活方式的看法要经历四个感知方面的微妙变化:第一，通过与他人比较(交往)形成的自我意识(对自己的看法);第二，在生活的各种威胁面前所具有的安全程度(的变化);第三是我们时间的认识，是感到来日方长，还是开始感到时日无多? 最后是对自己的精力和活力的直觉意识，是感到精力充沛，还是感到力不从心? 这些都是在我们内心里产生的若明若暗的感觉，它构成了我们生活的基调，影响着我们(作为)采取行动前的(依据的)种种决定。 4 The work of adult life is not easy. As in childhood, each step presents not only new tasks of development but requires a letting go of the techniques that worked before. With each passage some magic must be given up, some cherished illusion of safety and comfortably familiar sense of self must be cast off, to allow for the greater expansion of our own distinctiveness. 4(成年后的生活(心理发展)很不容易。正如童年时代一样，每一步不但提出新的发展仟务，还要求我们放弃对从前有效的方法。在每一发展阶段，一些不切实际的幻想得放弃，一些虚幻的安全感和舒适良好的自我感觉也得放弃，以便能有更大的空间发展自己的独特个性。 Pulling Up Roots 5 Before 18, the motto is loud and clear: “I have to get away from my parents.” But the words are seldom connected to action. Generally still safely part of our families, even if away at school, we feel our autonomy to be subject to erosion from moment to moment. 寻求自立 5(不到18岁，我们的座右铭就已非常明确而响亮:“离开父母，自力更生。”话虽如此，实际情况未必尽然。一般说来，我们依然还是家庭中无法自立的成员。即便是离家在外上学:，我们也经常感到自主权不时地要受到客观因素的限制和侵犯。 6 After 18, we begin Pulling Up Roots in earnest. College, military service, and short-term travels are all customary vehicles our society provides for the first round trips between family and a base of one’s own. In the attempt to separate our view of the world from our family’s view, despite vigorous protestations to the contrary—“I know exactly what I want!”— we cast about for any beliefs we can call our own. And in the process of testing those beliefs we are often drawn to fads, preferably those most mysterious and inaccessible to our parents. 6(18岁之后，我们便开始认真考虑如何才能真正地离家独立自主。上大学、服兵役以及短期外出旅行等自然是社会为我们提供的第一次在家庭和自己的基地之间进行的双程旅行。为了显示自己对社会的看法与父母不同，我们常常急于寻找一切可称之为独立见解的看法。我们大声抗议“我很清楚我该做什么!” 但实际上对此并不确定。我们为证实自己的信念，常常追求“一些时尚概念，尤其是在父母感到神秘或者不懂的问题上更想独树一帜。 7 Whatever tentative memberships we try out in the world, the fear haunts us that we are really kids who cannot take care of ourselves. We cover that fear with acts of defiance and mimicked confidence. For allies to replace our parents, we turn to our contemporaries. They become conspirators. So long as their perspective meshes with our own, they are able to substitute for the sanctuary of the family. But that doesn’t last very long. And the instant they diverge from the shaky ideals of “our group”, they are seen as betrayers. Rebounds to the family are common between the ages of 18 and 22. Leo_Chan 修改版 7(无论在社会上尝试什么角色我们都时时有一种恐惧，即自己还是个孩子，无力照管自已。于是我们就采取了对什么都不在乎的态度，假装信心十足，以此掩盖我们的恐惧心理。为了寻求支持以摆脱父母的羁绊，我们求助于同伴，于是他们便成了为我们出谋划策的参谋。只要同伴与我们的看法一致，意趣相投，他们就可以取代家庭的庇护。但这种关系一般长不了。一旦彼此的看法出现矛盾，双方便会分道扬镳。这时我们就又有可能回到家里。对于18到22岁的青年人来说，这种去而复返的现象司空见惯。 8 The tasks of this passage are to locate ourselves in a peer group role, a sex role, an anticipated occupation, an ideology or world view. As a result, we gather the impetus to leave home physically and the identity to begin leaving home emotionally. 8(人生这一阶段的任务是，在同龄人中、在性别角色中、在期望的职业中、以及化思想意识和世界观方面确立自己的位置。这样，我们既有离家独立的动力，也有了离家独立的心理准备。 9 Even as one part of us seeks to be an individual, another part longs to restore the safety and comfort of merging with another. Thus one of the most popular myths of this passage is: We can piggyback our development by attaching to a Stronger One. But people who marry during this time often prolong financial and emotional ties to the family and relatives that impede them from becoming self-sufficient. 9(在这个阶段，我们想离开家庭独立生活，而另一方向又渴望与另一个人结合以重新找到安全和舒适感。因此，在这段时间里，最神秘、最令人神往的事之一莫过于同一个出众的异性想结合，来带动我们事业的发展。然而，在这个阶段内结婚的青年人，越发延长同家庭及亲属在经济和感情上的维系，无法实现真正独立的愿望。 10 A stormy passage through the Pulling Up Roots years will probably facilitate the normal progression of the adult life cycle. If one doesn’t have an identity crisis at this point, it will erupt during a later transition, when the penalties may be harder to bear. 10(在力图自立的阶段中，风风雨雨的锻炼也许有利于促使一个人正常地长大成人。如果一个人没有在这一阶段遇到任何自立的危机的话，那在将来某个发展阶段他一定还会遇到，但那时他要付出的代价将可能更加沉重。 The Trying Twenties 11 The Trying Twenties confront us with the question of how to take hold in the adult world. Our focus shifts from the interior turmoils of late adolescence—“Who am I?” “What is truth?”—and we become almost totally preoccupied with working out the externals. “How do I put my aspirations into effect?” “What is the best way to start?” “Where do I go?” “Who can help me?” “How did you do it?” 迷惘求索的二十几岁 11(到了二十几岁，我们面临的难题是如何在这成年人的世界中生存(自立)。再内心波功的青春期后期，我们关注的焦点是:“我究竟是怎样的一个人?”“生活的真谛到底是什么?” 而此时我们几乎全沉浸在有关外部生活的问题上:“怎样才能使自己的抱负得以实现?”“最好从何处着手,” “我们应该朝什么目标努力?”“谁能帮我的忙?”“别人是如何走过来的?” 12 In this period, which is longer and more stable compared with the passage that leads to it, the tasks are as enormous as they are exhilarating: To shape a Dream, that vision of ourselves which will generate energy, aliveness, and hope. To prepare for a lifework. To find a mentor if possible. And to form the capacity for 3 当代研究生英语(下) intimacy, without losing in the process whatever consistency of self we have thus far mustered. The first test structure must be erected around the life we choose to try. 12(与前一阶段相比，这个阶段的时间更长，也更稳定一些。在这个阶段中，人们的任务既艰巨而又令人振奋:绘制一幅美妙的生活蓝图，这种美好的憧憬会使我们充满活力、激情 和希望;为毕生的事业做好准备;如果可能的话，找一个良师益友。还要培养一种既不丧失自己固有的风格，又能做到善解人意的能力。最初的实验基地必须围绕自己设计的生活监图去建立。 13 Doing what we “should” is the most pervasive theme of the twenties. The “shoulds” are largely defined by family models, the press of the culture, or the prejudices of our peers. If the prevailing cultural instructions are that one should get married and settle down behind one’s own door, a nuclear family is born. 13(“做我们‘应该’做的事。”这是二十儿岁的人的生活基调。但我们应该做什么主要取决于家庭的类型，文化的影响，以及同龄人的特定见解。如果当时最盛行的社会时尚就是到了这种年龄要结婚成家，那么年青人就会去建立小家庭。 14 One of the terrifying aspects of the twenties is the inner conviction that the choices we make are irrevocable. It is largely a false fear. Change is quite possible, and some alteration of our original choices is probably inevitable. 14(二十几岁的人内心有一种可怕的想法，他们认定自已所做的选择将来不能改弦易辙。实际上这种担忧是不对的，因为变化是可能的，改变初衷也常常是必然的。 15 Two impulses, as always, are at work. One is to build a firm, safe structure for the future by making strong commitments, to “be set”. Yet people who slip into a ready-made form without much self-examination are likely to find themselves locked in. 15(这个时期有两个方面的动力在起作用。一种动力是信誓旦旦地要为未求筑造一个坚实而安全的生活构架。不过那些未经深思熟虑就落入一种现成的生活模式的人，往往到头来会发观自己陷入了一个十分狭小的天地里而不能自拔。 16 The other urge is to explore and experiment, keeping any structure tentative and therefore easily reversible. Taken to the extreme, these are people who skip from one trial job and one limited personal encounter to another, spending their twenties in the transient state. 16(另外一种动力就是不断地开拓和尝试。他们把任何生活结构都看成是试验性的，因而可以随意更改的。在极端的情况下，这些人的工作试来换去，人际之间的短暂邂逅接二连三，结果很可能在一种反复不定的状态中度过这二十几岁的时光。 17 Although the choices of our twenties are not irrevocable, they do set in motion a Life Pattern. Some of us follow the locked-in pattern, others the transient pattern, the wunderkind pattern, the caregiver pattern, and there are a number of others. Such patterns strongly influence the particular questions raised for each person during each passage through the life. 17(虽然我们在二十几岁时的选择并不是一成不变的，它们对于我们生活方式的形成还是起着决定性的作用。有的人按照关在自己小天地里的生活模式一直生活下去，有些人则变来变去很难定型;有的人少年得志，成就卓著，有的人一心为他人奉献。当然还有其他一些类型。这些生活模式都极大地影响着每个人在人生每一阶段所面临的具体问题。 18 Buoyed by powerful illusions and belief in the power of the will, we commonly insist in our twenties that Leo_Chan 修改版 what we have chosen to do is the one true course in life. Our backs go up at the merest hint that we are like our parents, that two decades of parental training might be reflected in our current actions and attitudes. 18(由于幻想的鼓舞和支持以及对自己的意志充满信心，我们在二十几岁时普遍认定自己所选择的道路是人生真正的事业所在。如果有人说我们很像自已的父母，说我们的言行举止是父母十多年来教育和熏陶的结果，我们会很不高兴。 19 “Not me,” is the motto, “I’m different.” L9.“不，我绝不是那样，我与他们不同。”我们总会这样说。 UNIT 2 AIDS IN THE THIRD WORLD A GLOBAL DISASTER 1 In rich countries AIDS is no longer a death sentence. Expensive drugs keep HIV-positive patients alive and healthy, perhaps indefinitely. Loud public-awareness campaigns keep the number of infected Americans, Japanese and West Europeans to relatively low levels. The sense of crisis is past. 1(在富裕的国家里，艾滋病不再意味着死亡。昂贵的药物使HIV呈阳性的患者能够维持生命，保持健康，或许还能长期地延续这种状态。声势浩大的提高公众防意识的运动唤起了人们对艾滋病的关注。在美国、日本以及西欧国家，艾滋病感染人数维持在相对较低的水平上。人们的危机感已成为过去。 2 In developing countries, by contrast, the disease is spreading like nerve gas in a gentle breeze. The poor cannot afford to spend $10,000 a year on wonder pills. Millions of Africans are dying. In the longer term, even greater numbers of Asians are at risk. For many poor countries, there is no greater or more immediate threat to public health and economic growth. Yet few political leaders treat it as a priority. 2(相比之下，在发展中国家，这种疾病的传播却如同在风中传播的致命毒气。穷人们付不起每年价值1万美元的神奇药物，因此上百万非洲人正面临着死亡。从更长远的时间上看，有更多的的亚洲人也将面临此运。在许多贫穷国家，艾滋病对公众健康和经济增长是最大的、也是最直接的威胁。但一些国家的领导者却很少把它列为头等大事来对待。 3 Since HIV was first identified in the 1970s, over 47 million people have been infected, of whom 14 million have died. Last year saw the biggest annual death toll yet: 2.5 million. The disease now ranks fourth among the world’s big killers, after respiratory infections, diarrhea disorders and tuberculosis. It now claims many more lives each year than malaria, a growing menace, and is still nowhere near its peak. If India and other Asian countries do not take it seriously, the number of infections could reach “a new order of magnitude”, says Peter Piot, head of the UN’s AIDS programme. 3(自从20世纪70年代HIV首次被发现以来，已有4700万以上的人感染了此病毒，其中1400万人为此丧生。去年的死亡总数达到了最高的年死亡率，即250万人。现在HIV病毒已成为世界上第四号巨型杀手，前三号依次为呼吸系统感染、腹泻和结核病。每年死于HIV病毒的人数已超过了疟疾，其威胁性正日益增长，并且无法估计何时能达到顶峰。彼得?帕尔德是联合国艾滋病项目的负责人，他认为如果印度等亚洲国家不认真对待此事，受感染的人数可达到一个新的高峰。 4 The human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), which causes acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS), is thought to have crossed from chimpanzees to humans in the late 1940s or early 1950s in Congo. It took several years for the virus to break out of Congo’s dense and sparsely populated jungles but, once it did, it marched with rebel armies through the continent’s numerous war zones, rode with truckers from one rest-stop brothel 5 当代研究生英语(下) to the next, and eventually flew, perhaps with an air steward, to America, where it was discovered in the early 1980s. As American homosexuals and drug infectors started to wake up to the dangers of bath-houses and needle-sharing, AIDS was already devastating Africa. 4(引起AIDS(获得性免疫功能缺损综合症)的HIV(人体免疫缺损病毒)被认为是20?世纪纪40年代末至50年代初由刚果的黑猩猩传染给人类的。几年之后此病毒从刚果荒蛮浓密的从林爆发出来。一旦流传开 它就随着反叛部队穿越大陆的各个战区;随着货车司机驶过符个妓院;最终，可能随着空中乘务员来， 飞往美国，并在那里于20世纪80年代初被发现。当美国的同性恋者和开始意识到公共浴池、吸毒者开始意识到公共浴池、共用针头的危险性时，艾滋病已经开始在非洲制造巨大灾难了。 5 So far, the worst-hit areas are east and southern Africa. In Botswana, Namibia, Swaziland and Zimbabwe, between a fifth and a quarter of people aged 15-49 are afflicted with HIV or AIDS. In Botswana, children born early in the next decade will have a life expectancy of 40; without AIDS it would have been near 70. Of the 25 monitoring sites in Zimbabwe where pregnant women are tested for HIV, only two in 1997 showed prevalence below 10%. At the remaining 23 sites, 20-50% of women were infected. About a third of these women will pass the virus on to their babies. 5(到目前为止，受害最严重的地区是非洲的东部和南部。在博茨瓦纳、纳米比业、斯威士兰以及津巴布韦，有五分之一到四分之一年龄在15到19岁的人正在遭受由HIV或艾滋病带来的痛苦。几年以后出生的博茨瓦纳儿童，其寿命将为40年。而如果不是艾滋病，他们本来可以活到近70岁。在津巴布韦的25 V病毒的检测。1997年只有两个地区显示其感染率在10,以下。个受监控的地区，怀孕的妇女接受了HI 在其它23个地区，受感染的妇女达到20,到50,，其中大约有三分之一的妇女将会把病毒传染给她们的婴儿。 6 The region’s giant, South Africa, was largely protected by its isolation from the rest of the world during the apartheid years. Now it is host to one in ten of the world’s new infections—more than any other country. In the country’s most populous province, KwaZulu-Natal, perhaps a third of sexually active adults are HIV-positive. 6(非洲大国南非在种族隔离的年代由于很少与世界其他地区往来而免受艾滋病的影响，可是现在它却拥有世界上十分之一的艾滋病感染者，其数量超过其他任何一个国家。在这个国家人口最多的省卡瓦祖鲁一纳塔尔，大约有三分之一的青壮年为HIV阳性患者。 7 Asia is the next disaster-in-waiting. Already, 7 million Asians are infected. India’s 930 million people look increasingly vulnerable. The Indian countryside, which most people imagined relatively AIDS-free, turns out not to be. A recent study in Tamil Nadu found over 2% of rural people to be HIV-positive: 500,000 people in one of India’s smallest states. Since 10% had other sexually transmitted diseases (STDS), the avenue for further infections is clearly open. A survey of female STD patients in Poona, in Maharashtra, found that over 90% had never had sex with anyone but their husband; and yet 13.6% had HIV. 7(亚洲将是下一个受灾地区，现已拥有700万感染者。有着9(3亿人口的印度，处境不容乐观。许多人认为印度的乡村地区相对安全，可以不受艾滋病的袭击，但事实并非如此、泰米尔那都是印度最小的邦之一，只有50万人口。但最近的研究表明这里2,的乡间人口为HIV阳性。由于10,的人口患其他性传播疾病，十分可能产生进一步的感染。在浦那、马哈拉施特拉，人们对女性性病患者进行了一次调 Leo_Chan 修改版 查，结果发现90,的人以前从未与她们丈夫以外的任何人发生过性关系，但是13(6,的人呈HIV阳性。 8 No one knows what AIDS will do to poor countries’ economies, for nowhere has the epidemic run its course. An optimistic assessment, by Alan Whiteside of the University of Natal, suggests that the effect of AIDS on measurable GDP will be slight. Even at high prevalence, Mr. Whiteside thinks it will slow growth by no more than 0.6% a year. This is because so many people in poor countries do not contribute much to the formal economy. To put it even more crudely, where there is a huge oversupply of unskilled labour, the dead can easily be replaced. 8(艾滋病将会给贫穷国家的经济造成什么影响，现在无法说清，因为无法预测这种传染病将发展到什么程度。来自纳塔尔大学的艾伦?怀特塞德持一种较为乐观的态度，认为艾滋病对国内生产总值的影响不大，并指出即使是在此传染病的高发期，对其影响也不会超过0(6,，这是因为在贫穷国家许多人对正常的经济发展不起作用。说得再残酷些，在一个拥有大量非技术劳力的国家里，死去的劳力很容易被取代。 9 Other researchers are more pessimistic. AIDS takes longer to kill than did the plague, so the cost of caring for the sick will be more crippling. Modern governments, unlike medieval ones, tax the healthy to help look after the ailing, so the burden will fall on everyone. And AIDS, because it is sexually transmitted, tends to hit the most energetic and productive members of society. A recent study in Namibia estimated that AIDS cost the country almost 8% of GNP in 1996. Another analysis predicts that Kenya’s GDP will be 14.5% smaller in 2005 than it would have been without AIDS, and that income per person will be 10% lower. 9(也有一些研究人员持较为悲观的态度。他们认为艾滋病比瘟疫折磨人的时间更长，所以治疗过程所需的花费就更大。不同于中世纪时的政府，现代政府向健康人征收税款来帮助患者。这样，负担便摊到每个人的头上。同时，由于艾滋病是通过性行为传播的，受害者可能是社会上那些最年富力强的人。最近一项在纳米比亚进行的调查显示，1996年艾滋病耗去这个国家生产总值的8,。另一项分析预测，肯尼亚2005年的国内生产总值将为艾滋病的影响而减少14(5,，其人均收入将减少10,。 The cost of the disease 10 In general, the more advanced the economy, the worse it will be affected by a large number of AIDS deaths. South Africa, with its advanced industries, already suffers a shortage of skilled manpower, and cannot afford to lose more. In better-off developing countries, people have more savings to fall back on when they need to pay medical bills. Where people have health and life insurance, those industries will be hit by bigger claims. Insurers protect themselves by charging more or refusing policies to HIV-positive customers. In Zimbabwe, life-insurance premiums quadrupled in two years because of AIDS. Higher premiums force more people to seek treatment in public hospitals: in South Africa, HIV and AIDS could account for between 35% and 84% of public-health expenditure by 2005, according to one projection. 艾滋病的治疗费用 10. 总体来说，经济越发达的国家，越难以承受艾滋病带来的大量人员死亡的后果。南非有着发达的工业，可现在已因为技术人才的短缺而受到打击，再也经不起失去更多的人才了。在生活条件较好的发展中国家里，人们可以依赖较多的存款来支付医疗费。而在有健康和人寿保险的国家里，那些保险业会因为大量的赔付遭受损失。，于是保险公司为了保护自己的利益就会提高保险费或拒绝给HIV阳性的顾 7 当代研究生英语(下) 客进行办理保险。在津巴布韦，人寿保险费由于艾滋病在两年内上升了四倍。高昂的保险费迫使更多的人到公共医院寻求治疗。根据一项推算，到2005年南非在HlV和艾滋病方面的公共医疗开支将达到总额的35,到84,。 11 At a macro level, the impact of AIDS is felt gradually. But at a household level, the blow is sudden and catastrophic. When a breadwinner develops AIDS, his (or her) family is impoverished twice over: his income vanishes, and his relations must devote time and money to nursing him. Daughters are often forced to drop out of school to help. Worse, HIV tends not to strike just one member of a family. Husbands give it to wives, mothers to babies. 11(从宏观的角度上看，艾滋病的冲击是逐渐显现出来的，但从一个家庭的角度来看，这个打击是突如其来的，也是灾难性的。当全家主要的挣钱者染上了艾滋病，他或她的家庭损失就不是一个人的事了。因为不只是他的收人没有了，他的亲属还要花时间和金钱去照料他，通常女儿们也不得不辍学在家帮忙。更糟的是HIV感染也不仅仅是一个人的事，它会由丈夫传染给妻子(母亲传染给嘤儿 12 The best hope for halting the epidemic is a cheap vaccine. Efforts are under way, but a vaccine for a virus that mutates as rapidly as HIV will be hugely difficult and expensive to invent. For poor countries, the only practical course is to concentrate on prevention. But this, too, will be hard, for a plethora of reasons. Sex is fun... Many feel that condoms make it less so. Zimbabweans ask: “Would you eat a sweet with its wrapper on?” ... and discussion of it is often taboo. In Kenya, Christian and Islamic groups have publicly burned anti-AIDS leaflets and condoms, as a protest against what they see as the encouragement of promiscuity. Poverty. Those who cannot afford television find other ways of passing the evening. People cannot afford antibiotics, so the untreated sores from STDS provide easy openings for HIV. Migrant labour. Since wages are much higher in South Africa than in the surrounding region, outsiders flock in to find work. Migrant miners (including South Africans forced to live far from their homes) spend most of the year in single-sex dormitories surrounded by prostitutes. Living with a one-in-40 chance of being killed by a rockfall, they are inured to risk. When they go home, they often infect their wives. War. Refugees, whether from genocide in Rwanda or state persecution in Myanmar, spread HIV as they flee. Soldiers, with their regular pay and disdain for risk, are more likely than civilians to contract HIV from prostitutes. When they go to war, they infect others. In Africa the problem is dire. In Congo, where no fewer than seven armies are embroiled, the government has accused Ugandan troops (which are helping the Congolese rebels) of deliberately spreading AIDS. Unlikely, but with estimated HIV prevalence in the seven armies ranging from 50% for the Angolans to an incredible 80% for the Zimbabweans, the effect is much the same. Sexism. In most poor countries, it is hard for a woman to ask her partner to use a condom. Wives who insist risk being beaten up. Rape is common, especially where wars rage. Forced sex is a particularly effective means of HIV transmission, because of the extra blood. Drinking. Asia and Africa make many excellent beers. They are also home to a lot of people for whom alcohol is the quickest escape from the stresses of acute poverty. Drunken lovers are less likely to remember to use condoms. 12(人们把阻止艾滋病传播的最大希望寄托于廉价的疫苗，目前正在做这方衙的努力。但是，要研制出对付像HIV病毒这样变化无常的疫苗是十分艰难的，代价也会十分高昂。因此，对贫穷国家来说，唯一现实的办法就是注重预防。而这也困难重重，有各种各样的原因，其中包括: ?性生活是享受。许多人认为避孕套妨碍了他们的享受。津巴布韦的人这样问道:“你愿意吃糖果时带 Leo_Chan 修改版 着包装纸吗?” ?此话题为禁忌。在肯尼亚，基督教和伊斯兰教徒们公开烧毁那些抵御艾滋的传病的传单和避孕套，因为他们认为这些东西是在鼓励人们性乱交。 ?贫穷。那些买不起电视的人晚上会选择其他方式打发时光。另外(由于买不起抗生素，一些由性传播疾病带来的伤病无法治疗，这样就极易感染上HIV病毒。 ?流动的劳力。由于在南非打工所得的收人大大高于周围地区，外来人口大量涌入。外来矿工，其中包括那些离家很远的南非矿工，一年中大部分时间生活在常有妓女出现的单一性别宿舍里。矿工们的生命本来就因为矿井倒塌而面临1:40的死亡威胁，他们也就习惯于冒险。可当他们回家时，便将病毒传染给他们的妻子。 ?战争。无论是由于卢旺达种族灭绝的大屠杀还是缅甸的政治迫害而逃离家园的难民，在逃离的同时也在传播HIV病毒。军人们有固定的收入，又不惜冒险，因此比平民更容易从妓院里染上爱滋病。当他们参战时，就将病毒传给他人。在非洲，这个问题更为严峻。不下七只军队卷入了在刚果的战争，乌干达军队也在其中帮助刚果的反叛力量。刚果政府指责乌干达军队有意传播爱滋病病毒。这不太可能，但是如果考虑到这七支军队中的高感染率，从发安哥拉部队的50,到津巴布韦的高达80,，便可知道其影响实际是一样的。 ?男性至上主义。在贫穷国家中，妇女很难向其性伙伴提出使用避孕套，妻子会因此遭受毒打。强奸是经常发生的事，尤其是双方争执起来的时候。强迫的性生活会因为出血而特别容易传播病毒。 ?饮酒。亚洲和非洲生产许多品质很高的啤酒。有许多人靠烈性酒来迅速缓解贫困生活造成的精神压力，但是酒醉之后的性生活是不可能会想到使用避孕套的。 How to fight the virus 13 Pessimists look at that situation and despair. But three success stories show that the hurdles to prevention are not impossibly high. 14 First, Thailand. One secret of Thailand’s success has been timely, accurate information-gathering. HIV was first detected in Thailand in the mid-1980s, among male homosexuals. The health ministry immediately began to monitor other high-risk groups, particularly the country’s many heroin addicts and prostitutes. In the first half of 1988, HIV prevalence among drug injectors tested at one Bangkok hospital leapt from 1% to 30%. Shortly afterwards, infections soared among prostitutes. 与艾滋病作斗争 13(悲观主义者对目前的形势感到绝望。但是从以下三个成功的事例中人可以看到其障碍并不是不可逾越的。 14(首先来看泰国。泰国的成功原因之一是及时准确地了解情况。HIV病毒是80年代中期男性同性恋者中首次被发现的，卫生医疗部门立即着手对高发人群进行监视，尤其在吸毒者和妓女集中的地区。1988年上半年，在曼古一家医院测试出吸毒者中的HIV阳性比例从1,上升到30,。此后，妓女中的此项比例也在飞速上升。 15 The response was swift. A survey of Thai sexual behaviour was conducted. The results, which showed men indulging in a phenomenal amount of unprotected commercial sex, were publicized. Thais were warned that a major epidemic would strike if their habits did not change. A “100% condom use” campaign persuaded prostitutes to insist on protection 90% of the time with non-regular customers. 15(政府迅速做出反应，开始了一项对泰国公民性行为的调查。接着公布了调查结果:男性中存在大量不加任何防范措施的商业性性行为。因此对他们提出警告:如果他们不改变自己的行为，一种严重的传染病将威胁他们的生命。同时发起了一场“100,使用避孕套”运动，劝妓女在与非固定性顾客接触时，90,的时间里要有防范措施。 16 Most striking was the government’s success in persuading people that they were at risk long before they started to see acquaintances die from AIDS. There was no attempt to play down the spread of HIV to avoid 9 当代研究生英语(下) scaring off tourists, as happened in Kenya. Thais were repeatedly warned of the dangers, told how to avoid them, and left to make their own choices. Most decided that a long life was preferable to a fast one. 16(政府最有成效的举措是使人们相信在他们看到自己的伙伴死于艾滋病之前很久，自已就已经面临危险了。泰国政府认为没有必要像肯尼亚那样由于害怕吓走了旅游者而淡化HIV传播的严重性。泰国人被反复告知HIV的危害性，以及如何避免它，最后由他们自已去做出选择，大多数人还是愿意长寿而不是早死。 17 Second, Uganda. Thailand shows what is possible in a well-educated, fairly prosperous country. Uganda shows that there is hope even for countries that are poor and barely literate. President Yoweri Museveni recognized the threat shortly after becoming president in 1986, and deluged the country with anti-AIDS warnings. 17(再来看乌干达。泰国的经验表明在一个有着良好的教育基础、经济比较繁荣的国家里人们可以如何去做。乌干达的经验则表明在一个贫穷的、几乎文盲的国家里也能看到希望。约韦里?穆塞韦尼在1986年宣誓就任总统时就意识到了艾滋病的威胁，并广泛提醒人们行动起来抵抗艾滋病。 18 The key to Uganda’s success is twofold. First, Mr. Museveni made every government department take the problem seriously, and implement its own plan to fight the virus. Accurate surveys of sexual behaviour were done for only $20,000-30,000 each. Second, he recognized that his government could do only a limited amount, so he gave free rein to scores of non-governmental organizations (NGOS), usually foreign-financed, to do whatever it took to educate people about risky sex. 18(乌干达的成功关键来自两方面:第一，穆塞韦尼要求每一个政府部门严肃对待此事，还要求他们实施自己的计划来防范病毒。接着进行了一系列对性行为的精确调查，每项调查仅花费3万美元。第二，他意识到政府所能做的非常有限，因此他给予许多非政府组织自主权。这些组织大多由外资支持，他们可以采取任何措施来教育人们远离危险的性行为。 19 Third, Senegal. If Uganda shows how a poor country can reverse the track of an epidemic, Senegal shows how to stop it from taking off in the first place. This West African country was fortunate to be several thousand miles from HIV’s origin. In the mid-1980s, when other parts of Africa were already blighted, Senegal was still relatively AIDS-free. In concert with non-governmental organizations and the press and broadcasters, the government set up a national AIDS-control programme to keep it that way. 19(最后来看塞内加尔。如果说乌干达的经验表明一个贫穷国家可以如何改变传染病的传播，那么塞内加尔的经验则表明如何当传染病刚出现时就将其阻止。这个西非国家比较幸运，它离HIV的起源地有上千英里。80年代中期，当非洲的其他国家已在遭受磨难时，塞内加尔还几乎是一片净土。政府与非政府组织、报业和广播电台一起制定了全国艾滋病控制计划，以将其防范国门之外。 20 Contrast these three with South Africa. On December 1st, World AIDS Day, President Nelson Mandela told the people of KwaZulu-Natal that HIV would devastate their communities if not checked. The speech was remarkable not for its quality—Mr. Mandela is always able to move audiences—but for its rarity. Unlike Mr. Museveni, South Africa’s leader seldom uses his authority to encourage safer sex. It is a tragic omission. Whereas the potholed streets of Kampala are lined with signs promoting fidelity and condoms, this correspondent has, in eight months in South Africa, seen only two anti-AIDS posters, both in the UN’s AIDS Leo_Chan 修改版 office in Pretoria. 20(与以上三个国家相比，再来看看南非。在12月1日世界艾滋病日到来时，总统纳尔逊?曼德拉对卡瓦祖鲁—纳塔尔人说如果不加以控制，HIV会毁灭他们的社区。这个演讲很出色，但不是因为它的内容，因为曼德拉一向有能力感染他的听众，而是因为它的少有。与穆塞韦尼不同，他不太运用自己的权力来鼓励人们过安全的性生活。这个忽略是灾难性的。在坎帕拉(乌干达首都)路面坑洼不平的大街上，随 而记者在南非的八个月中只看到两张抵御艾滋病的标语，还都处可见宣传忠诚和使用避孕套的标语。 贴在位于比勒陀利亚的联合国艾滋病办公室里。 Unit 5 ANYTHING BUT BEEFS 1 Distraught callers jammed Germany’s consumer hot lines with “mad cow” questions all week. Is milk safe to drink? (Yes.) Can you catch the disease from sitting in leather chairs? (No.) In London, where the panic began, an insurance company introduced customized coverage for humans who are worried about contracting the illness. For a ,40 annual premium, Millennium Insurance Management promises a ,40,000 payout to any policyholder upon diagnosis. Shoppers in Britain and across the Continent developed a sudden appetite for spring lamb and veggie burgers—anything but steak. Sales of beef tumbled by a third in France, Spain, the Netherlands and Belgium. In Germany, they plunged 40 percent and slaughterhouses sent their workers home on forced vacations. The World Health Organization announced an emergency meeting to be held in Geneva this week. ‎‎‎‎‎‎‎由于对疯牛病的恐惧，欧洲消费者仍然对牛排和烤牛肉敬而远之。现在欧盟开始介入解决这一不再只是英国 独有的问题。 1(整个星期，焦虑不安的消费者一直不断地给忙得不可开交的德国消费热线打电话询问“疯牛病”的情况:牛奶还能喝吗?(答:能。) 牛皮椅子坐了会得病吗?(答:不会。) 在首先发生恐慌的伦敦，一家保险公司应消费者要求为那些担 心得 信息技术培训心得 下载关于七一讲话心得体会关于国企改革心得体会关于使用希沃白板的心得体会国培计划培训心得体会 疯牛病的人提供了相应的人寿保险。黄金时代保险经营公司做出承诺:年度保险费为40英镑，一旦保险单持有者被诊断患有疯牛病，该公司将支付4万英镑保险金。英国和欧洲大陆的消费者一下对早春羊肉和素肉饼胃口大开。人们似乎什么都吃，惟独不吃牛肉。法国、西班牙、荷兰和比利时四国的牛肉销量骤跌了三分之一;在德国，牛肉的销量跌落了40,，屠宰场强令工人回家度假。本周世界卫生组织宣布在日内瓦召开紧急会议。 2 At the center of the storm, Prime Minister John Major flung blame in all directions. “What has happened is collective hysteria—partly media, partly opposition and partly European,” the British prime minister declared. Yet even in the ranks of his own Conservative Party, some members are openly critical of the way Major’s government has handled the crisis(“It has been at best clumsy, at worst catastrophic,” says Edwina Currie, a Tory member of Parliament and former health minister. Two weeks ago press leaks forced the health minister, Stephen Dorrell, to make a hasty disclosure. 2(在这场风暴的中心，英国首相约翰?梅杰遭到了各方面的指责和谩骂。首相宣称:“现在所发生的情况来自各个方面的歇斯底里——其中有媒体的，有反对党的，也有欧洲的。”然而，即使枉保守党内部也有人公开批评梅杰政府处理这次危机的方式欠妥。先前担任过卫生部长，现为国会托利党成员的埃德维纳?卡里说:“梅氏策略说得好听些是愚蠢笨拙，而说得难听些则是祸国殃民。” 两周前，新闻媒体对疯牛病问题的透露使得卫生部长斯蒂芬?多雷尔被迫匆匆向外界做出公告。 11 当代研究生英语(下) 3 Scientists had found 10 individuals dead or dying from a new strain of Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease(CJD)，a rare but lethal degenerative brain condition. Worse yet, they suspected that the infection might have come from cattle infected with mad-cow disease. That was frightening news in a country where roughly 160,000 cases of bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE) have been reported since 1985. It scared other Europeans, too. They consume roughly more than half of Britain’s exported beef—considerably more than 250,000 metric tons in 1995 alone. 3(科学家已经发现10位患者由于新的克雅氏(疯牛)病死亡或奄奄一息。这是一种罕见而致命的变性(渐衰性)脑病。更糟糕的是，科学家怀疑这种传染病可能源于感染了疯牛病的牛肉。在英国，这一消息令人惶恐不安，因为自1985年以来，英国已报导报道了16万例牛海绵状脑病。这一消息同样使其他欧洲国家惊恐不安，因为他们所消费的牛肉近一半来自英国，而且仅1995年一年就从英国进口了多达25万多公吨的牛肉。 4 Early last week the European Union imposed a worldwide ban on exports of British beef and byproducts, from gelatin to cosmetics. Major howled that the prohibition was illegal, but it scarcely mattered. International demand for British beef had already dropped to just about zero. The ban remained. Farmers and butchers unions in Germany and France applauded. They had complained for years about being undersold by British farm products, and they hailed the Health Ministry’s disclosure as a backhanded vindication. 4(上周头两天，欧盟对英国牛肉及其副产品——从凝胶到化妆品的出口，都实行了全面的查禁。梅杰暴怒，指责这一禁令是非法的，但他的怒号无济于事。国际上对英国牛肉的需求量儿乎降到了零，而禁令依然生效。德国和法国的农民和屠宰商联合会为之欢呼雀跃，因为多年来他们一直抱怨由于国家对英国农产品的进口他们被迫压价。他们很高兴英国卫生部的公告间接 证明 住所证明下载场所使用证明下载诊断证明下载住所证明下载爱问住所证明下载爱问 了他们的抱怨是有道理的。 5 By midweek that attitude began to change. The ban was supposed to protect the European market against fears of tainted beef. Instead, the public regarded the move as an official confirmation of the mad-cow threat. Europe’s homemakers quit buying beef of any sort, whether British or domestic. The unions began complaining of a “crisis of consumer confidence”. France’s President, Jacques Chirac, and Germany’s chancellor, Helmut Kohl, phoned Major and offered their support. Kohl recalled that the European Union had come up with about $300 million to help Germany and Belgium halt an epidemic of swine fever a decade ago. Last year the European Agricultural Fund produced an unexpected surplus of $5 billion. Some of that money could help compensate Britain’s stricken beef farmers. On the eve of the EU’s Inter-Governmental Conference, such a move might even convince the British that Europe could actually be useful. 5(到本周三，人们的看法开始有所改变。该禁令本旨在保护欧洲市场，使人们不用担心病牛牛肉的侵害。而公众则将此举措看作是官方确认了疯牛病的威胁。欧洲的家庭主妇们不再买任何牛肉，无论是英国牛肉还是本国牛肉。法国总统雅克(希拉克和德国总理赫尔穆特?科尔电告梅杰，表示他们会支持他。科尔回想起十年前欧盟曾提供3亿美元帮助德国和比利时控制猪瘟的蔓延。去年欧洲农业基金获了意想不到的50亿美元的盈余，因此可以用其中的一些资金来补偿遭受牛肉损失的英国农民。在欧盟各政府会联席会召开前夕，这一决定的确让英国人感到了欧盟实实在在的用处。 6 Indeed, at the conference that opened on Friday in Turin, the continent’s leaders turned the summit into a pep rally for Major, for Britain—and for beef. Little business was on the schedule, so the leaders were free to Leo_Chan 修改版 set their own agenda. Chirac insisted there was “not a shred of scientific evidence” that mad-cow disease can infect human beings. Major, noticeably more cautious, proclaimed British beef “safe in the ordinary meaning of the word”. Jacques Santer, the European Commission’s president, called for “a return to consumer confidence” and hinted that Britain’s export ban might be lifted “very soon”. Others denounced the “mass hysteria” sweeping Europe. “Instead of mad cows,” cracked Austria’s chancellor, Franz Vranitzky, “we should be talking about mad reporters.” 6(星期五在都灵召开的大会上，欧洲大陆各国领导人把这次会议开成了主题为积极支持梅杰，支持英国——同时也是支持牛肉(工业)的工作会议。此次会议几乎没有商务活动安排，因此各国领导人可以自行设定自己的议事日程。希拉克认为“没有任何科学证据”表明疯牛痫会传染给人类。梅杰则更谨慎一些，他宣称英国牛肉“从一般意义上说是安全的”。欧洲委员会主席雅克?桑特呼吁“消费者恢复(对牛肉的)自信心”，同时暗示对英国的牛肉出口禁令可能“很快”解除。其他领导人也指责风靡欧洲的“大众心理的极度恐慌”。奥地利总理弗朗兹?乌拉尼茨基在会议上开玩笑说:“我们真正要讨论的不是疯牛病，而是一些疯狂的记者。” 7 But the crisis is no tabloid fantasy. On the contrary, it’s just as serious as the money the summit leaders pledged to rescue the beef industry. They earmarked up to $2.5 billion in EU funds to support beef prices and to compensate British farmers for livestock that may be destroyed in order to eradicate the mad-cow threat. They also ordered a series of emergency round-the-clock talks between Britain’s agriculture minister, Douglas Hogg, and representatives of the European Commission. The assignment is to draw up a plan for how to eliminate the disease and how to pay for the job. The plan is supposed to be presented at a full-dress meeting of Europe’s farm ministers this week. If the EU’s Standing Veterinary Committee approves, Britain’s beef embargo may be lifted within days. 7(但是现实危机并不是小报胡编来的。相反，事态已经非常严重，一致参加会议的各国领导要筹集资金挽救(欧洲的)牛肉工业。他们从欧盟基金中特意拨出25亿美元以维持牛肉价格和补偿为了遏制疯牛病危机要杀死其牛群的英国农民。他们还预定在英国农业部长道格拉斯?霍格和欧洲委员会代表之间召开一系列全天会晤。其任务是拟订计划，尽快消除疯牛病以及尽快支付该工作所需费用。该计划本周应呈交给欧洲各农业部长联席会议讨沦，如果欧盟常设兽医委员会批准，英国牛肉禁运可望在数日内得到解除。 8 Europe wants results for its money. “There are no blank checks, nor should the impression be given that we are just waiting to pay out,” declared Franz Fischler, the EU’s agriculture commissioner. Last week Britain made a few token gestures, such as outlawing the use of cattle feed containing any kind of mammalian meat or bone meal. The country’s mad-cow problems are thought to have originated from the use of cattle feed containing the remains of sheep that were infected with scrapie, a similar brain disease. The practice was discontinued in 1988, and the incidence of BSE has declined dramatically. About 2,000 cases a month were reported in 1994; so far this year the rate has been about 300 a month. 8(欧洲希望付出的金钱能够得到回报。欧盟农业委员会委员弗朗兹?费希勒说道:“我们给的决不是空额支票(要多少钱就给多少钱)，也不要以为我们只是等着给别人支付帐单。”上周英国作出了一些象征性的表示，宣布禁止将含有任何哺乳动物肉类或骨粉的东西用作牛饲料。人们认为英国疯牛病 13 当代研究生英语(下) 来源于使用了含有感染了痒病(一种类似的脑病)的绵羊的残余物所做的饲料。这种饲料加工在1998年就停止了。此后，疯牛病的发病率急剧下降。据报导，1994年每月大约有2000例这种病，而到1996年，发病率仅每月大约300例。 9 That’s still 300 cases a month more than the Europeans want to see. They are expected to demand that Britain’s farmers destroy significant numbers of their cattle, especially older animals that may have been exposed to tainted feed. Last week the British government said it was considering that step for as many as 4.5 million cattle; some officials have even spoken of killing some of the country’s nearly 12 million beef and dairy animals—a grisly project that would cost as much as ,10 billion. Even to dispose of that many carcasses would be a herculean task. Burying them in landfills might put drinking-water supplies at risk from dangerous diseases. Burning them on open-air pyres wouldn’t reach temperatures hot enough to kill all pathogens. The safest method is cremation, but in all of Britain there are only 10 facilities licensed for the incineration of livestock carcasses. By one estimate, those crematories would need 70 years to process 12 million head of cattle. 9(每月仍有300例病牛的数字对欧洲人来说还是不能接受的。他们可能会要求英同农民更大量销毁肉牛，尤其是可能吃了感染了病毒的饲料的成年牛。上周英国政府提出，正在考虑处理将近450万头牛; 有些官员还说要从英国将近1200万头肉牛和奶牛中宰杀一大批——这是一项将耗资100亿英磅的巨大工程。如何处理这么多牛的尸体就是一项艰巨的任务。如果运到填埋场掩埋，可能会使饮用水资源受到 。而在露天柴堆上烧毁，温度又达不到足够杀死昕行这些病原体的高度。最安全的方危险病菌的污染 法是将这些牛在火葬场焚毁，但整个英国仅有十处设施有执照获准对动物尸体进行焚毁。有人估计这些焚烧场要烧完这1200万头牛的尸体需要70年的时间。 10 Many Britons balked at the idea of even a limited culling of the country’s herds. “What we are talking about is slaughtering healthy animals at the taxpayers’ expense, not to protect the public but to restore their confidence,” complained Sir Jerry Wiggins, chairman of the Commons Select Committee on Agriculture. Erik Millstone of the Science Policy Research Unit added, “There is no way in which you can calculate how many cattle you need to put in the incinerator before confidence is restored.” Some commentators found the very notion absurd. Simon Jenkins, a columnist for The Times, wrote: “Like some primitive tribe we are expected to immolate our property to propitiate the raging gods.” 10(即使是对英国牛群的这种有选择的屠杀，许多英国人也不赞同。(英国)下院农业特别委员会主席杰里?维金斯爵士抱怨说:“我们正在讨论的问题只是用纳税人的钱屠杀健康的动物，不是为了保护公众，而是借此重建他们的自信心。” 而科学政策研究室的埃里克?米尔斯通说:“根本无法计算出究竟要把多少牛送往焚烧场才能够恢复人们的自信心。” 有些评论员认为屠杀牛群的概念本身就很荒谬。泰晤士报专栏作者西蒙?詹金斯写道:“像一些原始部落那样我们牺牲自己的财物来抚慰愤怒的众神。” 11 What’s strange is that the Europeans are hardly raging. The British government didn’t even bother to give advance warning to the European Commission before issuing its mad-cow news two weeks ago. And many Europeans think British cows, British feed and British carelessness are responsible for spreading BSE on the Continent. After Britain, Switzerland has Europe’s highest incidence of BSE—more than 200 cases, all told. Unlike the British, the Swiss have taken aggressive steps to fight the disease, such as spot checks on feed Leo_Chan 修改版 manufacturers. In France and Ireland, the entire herd is eliminated when a single case is discovered. Yet despite all qualms, Europe continued to import beef until last week’s ban. Many other trading partners have been far less obliging. The threat of BSE has prompted a U.S. ban against British beef since 1989 and a similar ban in Australia since 1988( 11(奇怪的是，欧洲人似乎并不愤怒。英国政府甚至没有对欧洲委员会提出一步的警告便在两周前公布了疯牛病的消息。许多欧洲人认为疯牛病在欧洲大陆蔓延，责任存于英国的牛，英国的饲料，还有英国人的粗心大意。继英国之后，瑞士成了疯牛病发病率最高的地区——总计多达200例。但是与英国人不同，瑞士人采取了积极果断的措施来战胜疯牛病，诸如对饲料厂家进行实地检查。在法国和爱尔兰，一旦发现一例疯牛病，则会将所有的牛彻底销毁。尽管大家对牛肉仍有些忐忑不安，但是欧洲却继续进口牛肉，直到上周禁令下达为止。其他许多贸易伙伴对英国牛肉的态度却远没有这么友好。自1989年以来，疯牛病的威胁使美国果断地禁止了对英国牛肉的进口;同样，澳大利亚自1988年以来就已禁止进口英国牛肉。 12 In Turin, the summit leaders were still looking for a solution. Meanwhile, they tried to head off the consumer stampede with confident smiles and bold speeches. No matter how many British cows are destroyed, European beef sales are not likely to return to their pre-scare levels for a long time—if European beef sales are ever likely to return to the pre-scare levels. Like many Americans, Europeans have been cutting down on their intake of beef in recent years, and mad-cow panic will probably intensify that trend. Even so, the leaders gamely battled on. “At lunch, they served us veal,” Chirac told reporters in Turin. “Every one of the presidents and prime ministers ate it with gusto.” 12(在都灵，欧盟领导人仍然在寻求解决疯牛病的办法;同时他们还带着自信的笑容、振振有词地劝阻那些消费者不要放弃牛肉。无论要销毁多少英国牛，欧洲的牛肉销售量也不能在短期内恢复到产生消费恐慌之前的水平;(换句话说)即使有这种可也需要很长时间。像许多美国人一样，近年来欧洲人已经大大减少了对牛肉的消费，而且疯牛病也许还会加剧这一趋势。即使这样，欧盟领导人仍然以乐观的情绪来继续这场保卫战。在都灵，希拉克告诉记者:“我们每位总统和总理都在津津有味地吃着牛肉呢!” 13 While the dining and talking continue in Turin, scientists in Britain issued more bad news. The new strain of CJD was implicated in another case，bringing the total of suspected victims to 13. The 29-year-old woman died in February at a hospital in Kent. Further tests are needed to confirm the diagnosis. Meanwhile the hospital’s menu continues to feature beef—imported from Argentina. 18(领导人在都灵举行盛宴和高谈阔论的同时，英国的科学家们发布了更多不好的消。另一例疯牛病暗示了一种新型的CDJ(克雅氏症)产生的可能性，这使得现在死于疯牛病的人数达到13例之多。这位29岁的妇女2月份死于肯特郡的一家医院。需要做出进一步的检查来确认这一诊断的结粜。而与此同时，该医院的菜单上仍然保留着特色牛肉——不过这哩的牛肉是从阿根廷进口的。 UNIT 6 FROM POPPING THE QUESTION TO POPPING THE PILL 1 There have been major changes in attitudes toward courtship and marriage among those middle-class, educated Americans who are celebrated in the media and who are style setters for American life. Courtship was once a regular part of American life; it was a long period, sometimes lasting for many years, and also a 15 当代研究生英语(下) tentative one, during which a future husband or wife could still turn back but during which their relationship became more and more exclusive and socially recognized. Courtship both preceded the announcement of an engagement and followed the announcement, although a broken engagement was so serious that it could be expected to throw the girl into a depression from which she might never recover. 1(那些中产阶级、受过教育，并在广播、电视、报纸等媒体方面占据主要位置的美国人是美国生活方式的典型代表。在他们中间，对待求婚与结婚的态度变化很大。求婚原来曾是美国人生活中的正常现象，恋爱的过程也很长，有的长达数年，而且带有考验性质。在这一过程中男女双方都可以改变原来的态度，拒绝对方的爱。当然有许多人之间的关系可能越来越专一，也逐渐地为社会所认可。人们一般是先恋爱后订婚，但也有先订婚后恋爱的。不过，订了婚再后悔是很糟糕的事，这会把一个姑娘推向痛苦的深渊而永远无法解脱。 2 There were definite rules governing the courtship period, from the “bundling” permitted in early New England days, when young couples slept side by side with all their clothes .on, to strict etiquette that prescribed what sort of gifts a where expensive presents were customary. Gifts had to be either immediately consumable, like candy or flowers, or indestructible, like diamonds—which could be given back, their value unimpaired, if there was a rift in the relationship. Objects that could be damaged by use, like gloves and furs, were forbidden. A gentleman might call for a lady in a cab or in his own equipage, but it was regarded as inappropriate for him to pay for her train fare if they went on a journey. (以前恋爱期间的男女双方要遵守许多明确的规范。从早年新英格兰时期流传下来的一个习惯是，恋爱2 的青年男女可以在一起“和衣而睡”。在送贵重礼品成风的圈子里，一个男子要对自己的未婚妻送什么样的礼物也有严格的讲究。礼物可以是马上就能用的，如糖果或鲜花，或不易损坏的，如钻石——如果关系破裂了，还可以退回，价值也不会受损。容易用旧、用坏的物品，诸如手套和皮货之类的东西是禁止赠送的。男方可以雇出租马车或者用自家的马车去接女方，但如一起乘火车旅行男方为女方付旅费则被视为是不合适的。 3 How much chaperoning was necessary, and how much privacy the courting couple was allowed, was a matter of varying local custom. Long walks home through country lanes after church and sitting up in the parlor after their elders had retired for the night may have been permitted, but the bride was expected to be a virgin at marriage. The procedure for breaking off an engagement, which included the return of letters and photographs, was a symbolic way of stating that an unconsummated relationship could still be erased from social memory. 3(未婚少女需要多少长辈的陪伴、恋爱期间的男女可以亲密到什么程度视地区习俗而异。从教堂做完礼拜出来男女双方可以相伴着步行回家。父母睡觉去了，他们还町以坐住客厅聊天，甚至到天亮。但有一条规矩必须遵守:姑娘在正式结婚之前要保持处女的贞节。如果婚约破裂的话，也有一些必要手续要办，比如退还信件或照片等。这种做法表明完婚前中断关系依然为社会所接受。 4 The wedding day was the highest point in a girl’s life—a day to which she looked forward all her unmarried days and to which she looked back for the rest of her life. The splendor of her wedding, the elegance of dress and veil, the cutting of the cake, the departure amid a shower of rice and confetti, gave her an accolade of which no subsequent event could completely rob her. Today people over 50 years of age still treat their Leo_Chan 修改版 daughter’s wedding this way, prominently displaying the photographs of the occasion. Until very recently, all brides’ books prescribed exactly the same ritual they had prescribed 50 years before. The etiquette governing wedding presents—gifts that were or were not appropriate, the bride’s maiden initials on her linen—was also specified. For the bridegroom the wedding represented the end of his free, bachelor days, and the bachelor dinner the night before the wedding symbolized this loss of freedom. A woman who did not marry—even if she had the alibi of a fiancé who had been killed in war or had abilities and charm and money of her own—was always at a social disadvantage, while an eligible bachelor was sought after by hostess after hostess. 4(举行婚礼的这一天是一个姑娘一生中最美好的时刻:这一天婚前她一直盼望着，而婚后她也将值得她永远回忆。婚礼的场面一般都蔚为壮观。华丽高贵的结婚礼服及面纱，切蛋糕的场面，离开时祝福的人们撒来的米粒和五彩纸屑，交织在一起为新娘谱写了一曲新婚颂歌，使她一乍都难以忘却。直到今天，五十来岁的人还以这样的方式为自己的女儿举行婚礼，并把婚礼照片放在最显眼的位置。如今不少婚礼指南上描述的礼仪习俗还与50年前一样。还专门制定有判别婚礼那天所送礼品的规则:如那些礼品得体，那些不得体，应该在新娘内衣绣上她少女时所用全名的首字母缩写，等等。对于新郎来说，婚礼则意味着他自由的单身生活的结束。婚礼前夜新郎吃的那顿单身汉晚餐就标志着这种自由的终结。一个单身女人即使说自己曾经的情人在战场上死去了，或说自己有能力、有魅力、还有金钱，她在社会上的地位仍然很低下。而对一个合适的未婚男子来说，求婚的人会络绎不绝。 5 Courtship ended at the altar, as the bride waited anxiously for the bridegroom who might not appear or might have forgotten the ring. Suppliant gallantry was replaced overnight by a reversal of roles, the wife now becoming the one who read her husband’s every frown with anxiety lest she displease him. 5(走进教堂意味着男人完成了他的求婚任务。这时新娘会急切地等待着新郎，担心他不来或忘记带上结婚戒指。新郎一夜之问地位就发生了变化，过去的那种屈尊求爱的殷勤荡然无存，做妻子的则要看丈夫的脸色，生怕做错什么事会惹他生气。 6 This set of rituals established a rhythm between the future husband and wife and between the two sets of parents who would later become co-grandparents. It was an opportunity for mistakes to be corrected; and if the parents could not be won over, there was, as a last resort, elopement, in which the young couple proclaimed their desperate attraction to each other by flouting parental blessing. Each part of the system could be tested out for a marriage that was expected to last for life. We have very different ways today. 6(结婚典礼这一整套仪式将使青年男女之间，以及他们与双方父母之建立新的关系。如果有什么缺陷的话，那么婚姻是个纠正错误的好机会。如果两个执着相爱的恋人不能说服双方的父母同意，那只有不要父母的祝福而私奔。与此相关的每个角色都可以通过婚姻来检验，因为婚姻被认为是一辈子的事。然而，现在人们对此的态度已是不可同日而语了。 7 Since World War I, changes in relationships between the sexes have been occurring with bewildering speed. The automobile presented a challenge to chaperonage that American adults met by default. From then on, except in ceremonial and symbolic ways, chaperonage disappeared, and a style of premarital relationship was set up in which the onus was put on the girl to refuse inappropriate requests, while each young man declared his suitability by asking for favors that he did not expect to receive. The disappearance of chaperonage was facilitated by the greater freedom of middle-aged women who began to envy their daughters’ freedom, which 17 当代研究生英语(下) they had never had. Social forms went through a whole series of rapid changes: The dance with formal partners and programs gave way to occasions in which mothers, or daughters, invited many more young men than girls, and the popular girl hardly circled the dance floor twice in the same man’s arms. Dating replaced courtship—not as a prelude to anything but rather as a way of demonstrating popularity. Long engagements became increasingly unfashionable, and a series of more tentative commitments became more popular. As college education became the norm for millions of young people, “pinning” became a common stage before engagement. The ring was likely to appear just before the wedding day. And during the 1950’s more and more brides got married while pregnant—but they still wore the long white veil, which was a symbol of virginity. 7(第一次世界大战以来，男女之问的关系发生了惊人的变化。小汽车的普及使父母监督、伴随自己的子女成为不可能的事。从那时起，除了在正式的场合下有人象征性地陪伴之外，一般场合男女青年可以单独接触。现在男女双方婚前关系的特点是，男方可以提出一些非份的、并不期待得到满足的要求，以表白自己(求婚)的诚意，而女方有责任拒绝不正当的请求。陪伴和监督自己子女现象的消失还因为中年妇女享有越来越大的自由，她们甚至羡慕自己的女儿拥有她们过没有的自由。交际的形式也发生了一系列的迅速变化。原先的那种同正式舞伴跳舞以及按节目程序进行的做法已让位于随便选择舞伴，女儿们甚至母亲们多半愿意邀请比女孩子人数多得多的年轻男子去跳舞。舞池内的明星姑娘 一晚不可能与同一男子跳两次舞。幽会代替了求婚。幽会并不能说明两人之问有什么正式关系，而只是他们炫耀受人青睐的机会。订婚的做法也已经过时了，双方履行一定承诺的考验性同居则越来越时髦。 在那里同居已经成为订婚前的一种常见的做法。结婚戒指要等上大学成为千百万青年人追求的目标， 到举行婚礼前才拿出来。50年代有很多姑娘是怀着身孕去教堂结婚的。她们结婚时依然身披白色的婚纱，而那原本是童贞的象征。 8 In this conservative, security-minded decade love became less important than marriage, and lovers almost disappeared from parks and riverbanks as young people threatened each other: “Either you marry me now, or I’ll marry someone else.” Courtship and dating were embraced by young people in lower grades in school, until children totally unready for sex were enmeshed by the rituals of pairing off. Marriage became a necessity for everyone, for boys as well as for girls: Mothers worried if their sons preferred electronic equipment or chess to girls and pushed their daughters relentlessly into marriage. who felt their marriages were failing began to worry about whether they ought to get a divorce, divorce becoming a duty to an unfulfilled husband or to children exposed to an unhappy marriage. Remarriage was expected, until finally, with men dying earlier than women there were no men left to marry. The United States became the most married country in the world. Children, your own or adopted, were just as essential, and the suburban life-style—each nuclear family isolated in its own home, with several children, a station wagon and a country-club membership—became the admired life-style, displayed in magazines for the whole world to see. 8(在那保守的、安全感很强的年代里，爱情已经变得不如结婚那么重要了。情人影消失在公园或湖畔。年轻人总是互相威胁，说什么:“你必须现在就同我结婚，不然我就去找别人” 谈情说爱和幽会在中学低年级当中也开始流行。发育还未成熟的孩子陷入到交友成婚的习气中。结婚无论对男孩还是女孩都成为必不可少的事。做母亲的生怕自己的儿子迷恋上电子器械或下棋而顾不上去找女孩子谈恋爱。有的家长干脆催促女儿去结婚。离婚越来越普遍、那些觉得自己的婚姻不理想的人开始考虑自己是否 Leo_Chan 修改版 应该离婚。对于不满意的丈夫，或者生活在不幸婚娴家庭里的孩子来说，离婚成为必须的事。再婚成了常事，直到由于男子的寿命短于女子而再找不到合适的男子为止。美国在世界上是结婚次数最多的国家。但人们仍然认为，孩子——不管是自已的还是收养的——是家庭中不可缺少的。人们仍然羡慕核心式的家庭生活:住在郊区独立的住宅中，身边带着儿女，有旅行车并加入了乡间俱乐部。这种生活方式经常被登在杂志上向世人炫耀。 9 By the early sixties there were signs of change. We discovered we were running out of educated labor and Divorce became more and more prevalent, and people under the heading of self-fulfillment educated married women were being tempted back into the labor market. Young people began to advocate frankness and honesty, rebelling against the extreme hypocrisy of the 1950s, when religious and educational institutions alike connived to produce pregnancies that would lead to marriage. Love as an absorbing feeling for another person was rediscovered, as marriage as a goal for every girl and boy receded into the background. 9(到了60年代初，情况又有了变化。我们发现社会上受过教育的劳动力日益缺乏。在实现自我抱负/自我实现的口号下，受过教育的己婚妇女重返劳动力市场。年轻人的直率和诚实又逐渐成风。他们反对50年代盛行的虚伪，那时候教会和教育机构通过默许婚前怀孕的办法促成结婚。至此，人们又重提爱情至上的口号，而不把结婚视为大家共同追求的最终目标。 10 A series of worldwide political and ecological events facilitated these changes. Freedom for women accompanied agitation for freedom for blacks, for other minorities, for the Third World, for youth, for gay people. Zero-population growth became a goal, and it was no longer unfashionable to admit one who did not plan to have children, or perhaps even to marry. The marriage age rose a little, the number of children fell a little. The enjoyment of pornography and use of obscenity became the self-imposed obligation of the emancipated women. Affirmative action catapulted many unprepared women into executive positions. Men, weary of the large families of the ‘50s, began to desert them; young mothers, frightened by the prospect of being deserted, pulled up stakes and left their suburban split-levels to try to make it in the cities. “Arrangements”, or public cohabitation of young people with approval and support from their families, college deans and employers, became common. 10(一系列波及世界的政治事件和生态环境方面的重大变革促进了美国婚姻生活的这些变化。与妇女解放运动相伴随的是黑人争取民主自由的斗争，其他少数民族争取自由的斗争，第三世界人民争取自由的斗争，青年人争取自由的斗争和同性恋者争取同性恋自由的斗争。控制人口增长成为人们的目标，不生孩子甚至不结婚也日益风行起来。人们结婚的年龄逐渐上升，孩子的数量逐渐减少。一些所谓思想解放的妇女甘愿沉溺于放荡的生活，并视此为自己的 职责 岗位职责下载项目部各岗位职责下载项目部各岗位职责下载建筑公司岗位职责下载社工督导职责.docx 。社会的认可把许多本无思想准备的妇女推向了决策者的位置。男人们由于厌倦50年代的那种大家庭生活而开始弃家出走。年轻的母亲们害怕被遗弃便主动收摊子离开别致的郊区住宅，搬到城市里去另觅新欢。由于家长、学校领导、乃至雇主的默许和支持，许多青年男女做出某种“安排”，公过同生活。 11 By the early 1970s the doomsters were proclaiming that the family was dead. There were over 8,000,000 single-parent households, most of them headed by poorly paid women. There were endless discussions of “open marriages”, “group marriages”, communes in which the children were children of the group, and open discussion of previously taboo subjects, including an emphasis on female sexuality. Yet most Americans 19 当代研究生英语(下) continued to live as they always had, with girls still hoping for a permanent marriage and viewing “arrangements” as stepping-stones to marriage. The much-publicized behavior of small but conspicuous groups filtered through the layers of society, so that the freedoms claimed by college youth were being claimed five years later by blue-collar youth; “swinging” (mate swapping) as a pastime of a bored upper middle-class filtered down. 11(到了70年代初期，末日预言者们宣称家庭这一概念已不复存存。当时在美国单亲家庭就有800多万，而且绝大多数都是由收入微薄的女性支撑。人们热衷于谈论“开放婚姻”、“群体婚姻”以及集体共同拥有孩子等话题。从前难于启齿的话题现在可以公开谈论，其中包括女人与性的问题。当然大部分美国人仍继续他们以前那样的生活。一些女孩子仍希望有一个水久的婚姻，视婚前与人同居为结婚前的准备。过去少数显要人物的行为曾相当引人注目，现在已为社会各阶层的人士所继承。大学的青年人所标榜和追求的那种同居的自由，5年之后已被“监领青年”接过去付诸实施。交换配偶也不再仅仅是那些感到生活乏味和无聊的中上层人士的消遣方式了。 12 Perhaps the most striking change of all is that courtship is no longer a prelude to consummation. In many levels of contemporary society, sex relations require no prelude at all; the courtship that exists today tends to occur between a casual sex encounter and a later attempt by either the man or the woman to turn it into a permanent relationship. Courtship is also seen as an act in which either sex can take the lead. Women are felt to have an alternative to marriage, as once they had in the Middle Ages, when convent life was the choice of a large part of the population. Weddings are less conventional. There is also a growing rebellion against the kind of town planning and housing that isolate young couples from the help of older people and friends that they need. 12(也许这一切中最显著的变化是，求婚不再是结婚的序曲。在现代社会的各阶层人士中，性行为根本不需要前奏。今天男女之间的求婚往往产生于随意的性生活之后，这时男方或女方想使他们的关系发展成永久的婚姻关系。在求婚问题上，男女双方均可能采取主动。女人被认为可以选择婚姻，就像中世纪时期大多数女人可以选择修女生活一样。婚礼仪式也不那么拘泥于习俗形式了。在城市住宅的设计和规划方面，越来越多的人反对让青年夫妻远离能给他帮助的父母或亲友。 13 But the family is not dead. It is going through stormy times, and millions of children are paying the penalty of current disorganization, experimentation and discontent. In the process, the adults who should never marry are sorting themselves out. Marriage and parenthood are being viewed as a vocation rather than as the duty of every human being. As we seek more human forms of existence, the next question may well be how to protect our young people from a premature, pervasive insistence upon precocious sexuality, sexuality that contains neither love nor delight. 13(家庭这一概念并没有完全消失，而是在经受着考验。上百万的孩子因父母不和或家庭破裂而倍受煎熬。这时那些本不应该结合的成年人也在努力改变着自己的处境。结婚和做父母被人们看作是一种职业，而不只是个人应尽的义务。在我们寻求人类更多更好的生活方式时，所面临的问题是如何避免年轻人过早地追求未成熟的性爱以及如何避免那种既没有爱情也没有幸福的性生活。 14 The birthrate is going up a little; women are having just as many babies as before but having them later. The rights of fathers are being discovered and placed beside the rights of mothers. Exploitive and Leo_Chan 修改版 commercialized abortion mills are being questioned, and the Pill is proving less a panacea than was hoped. In a world troubled by economic and political instability, unemployment, hijacking, kidnapping, and bombs, the preoccupation with private decisions is shifting to concern about the whole of humankind. 14(现在美国的出生率稍有提高。妇女所生孩子的多少与从前差不多，不过生孩子的时间晚了些。父亲也开始拥有同母亲一样的权利和义务。人们正在对商业化的人工流产进行质疑，避孕药的作用也不像人 政治动荡、失业解雇、抢绑架以及爆炸暗杀等恐怖现象的世界们所希望的那么大。在充满经济危机、 里，人们正在从考虑自己的私事转向关心全人类的前途及命运。 15 Active concern for the world permits either celibacy or marriage, but continuous preoccupation with sex leaves no time for anything else. As we used to say in the ’20s, promiscuity, like free verse, is lacking in structure. 15(要关心世界大事，既可以过正常的婚姻生活，也可以过独身生活。但如果只是一味的沉湎于性，那就根本谈不上什么对其他事的关心。正像我们在20年代常说的那样:乱交就像自由诗一样无节而又无度。 21